How does belief in raw materials grow?

Who has never found themselves perplexed the very evening of an invitation to purchase a bottle of wine? ? Although it appears throughout the world as a symbol of France, wine nonetheless remains a deep mystery for many of its inhabitants. Lucien Karpik had already contributed to clarifying the enigma of wine choice by focusing on the judgment systems making it possible to overcome a situation of radical uncertainty regarding quality. Pierre-Marie Chauvin, lecturer in sociology at the University of Paris Sorbonne, undertakes here to lift the veil on the mystery of the reputation of wines and at the same time on the esoteric universe of Bordeaux. This work comes from his sociology thesis defended at Bordeaux 2 University in December 2009.

Reputation is first defined as “ the provisional and localized result of evaluation processes » (p. 8). The survey aims to go beyond economic work considering reputation from the point of view of its function as a reducer of uncertainty, by revealing its forms and its social foundations. To do this, the author relies on written sources and in-depth interviews, as well as on observations carried out in trading houses, brokerage offices, properties or various tasting places. Its results are presented in three main parts referring to as many dimensions of reputation: the institutional sources of wine status (official classifications), the numerical evaluations of the wines (prices and critics’ ratings) and finally, the role of certain key professionals ( oenologists, consultants).

Inertia of traditional rankings and “ change in continuity »

At the origin of the reputation of the Crus Classés du Médoc, lies the classification established by the Bordeaux Chamber of Commerce and Industry in 1855. Surprisingly durable, this classification only underwent one revision in 1873, at the initiative of Baron de Rothschild, successfully maneuvering to have his wine reclassified from Second to Premier Grand Cru Classé. Twenty years of debate around a possible revision have only led to this single result, testifying to the inertia of the statutes.

The more recent diffusion of ratings awarded by critics appears to be a possible factor in the modification of reputational hierarchies. Emerging from the 1980s, the classification of Robert Parker (wine critic) is particularly awaited each year with anxiety by professionals. Its influence is exerted both on the demand for wine (it helps to reduce the uncertainty linked to the purchase), and on the offer, for which it guides the strategies. Its rating out of 100 appears more flexible and more accessible than the classic rating out of 20. It is nevertheless criticized for equating wines supposedly very different in terms of reputation. Parker takes a certain liberty compared to traditional classifications, but this deviance remains “ mastered »: its evaluations respect a subtle balance between calling into question the existing classifications for half of the wines tasted, and their confirmation for the remaining half.

While statutory classifications appear extremely difficult to modify and an innovative critic like Parker does not seem able to really transform them, oenology consultants are described as factors in revitalizing traditional hierarchies. Constituting a subset of the oenology profession that emerged in the 1950s, these professionals are characterized by not being attached to an organization. They constitute “ sources and targets » reputation. The prestige attached to the name of the consultant and that of the wine for which he is requested are linked: just as the consultant often acquires his reputation by “ signing » a publicized product, a wine counts among the elements founding its reputation, the name of its consultant.

Analyzed at the end of the book, the particular case of the emergence of a wine makes it possible to link the different elements of reputation: ratings, consultants, merchants, appellation, without forgetting the price. The wine studied belongs to the category of “ garage wines “. Appearing in the 1990s, the latter have the characteristic of being produced in small quantities, marketed at prices close to those of Grands Crus Classés and often made by new entrants to the market. They bear witness to all the difficulties encountered by a newcomer in penetrating the world of Bordeaux. Among the success factors are meeting people already recognized as actively supporting the project, but also reversing the stigma attached to transgressing the traditional codes of the environment. The whole art is to take advantage of established codes while introducing the right amount of originality to stand out.

Price as a social construction and strategic issue

The symbolic hierarchy of rankings is closely linked to the economic hierarchy embodied by prices, each influencing the other. Four types of prices must be taken into account. THE “ early release price » is an advance financing of the production. By paying at this stage, professional buyers ensure a certain provisioning of the wine and bank on future added value. Next comes the “ recommended resale price », formulated by the producer for the merchant when the wine is released. Even when it is not explained, this price retains an effect on the merchants, fearing to set a price lower than that anticipated by the property: the latter has the power to reduce the wine allocations allocated each year to the merchant. Established by brokers based on offers from different traders, the “ place course » occur during transactions between traders in Bordeaux. The price of the latest transactions carried out, when they correspond to a significant exchange volume, finally constitutes an updated index of demand. Prices are used with the aim of stealing market share from competitors. This competition operates both downwards and upwards when it comes to certain great wines.

Two types of mechanisms nevertheless limit price competition. On the one hand, merchants select the competitors according to which they position themselves, on the other hand there is a form of non-price competition, based on a qualitative differentiation of apparently similar products (in vintage and name of vintage). ; a wine is judged all the better the less it has been moved. The market for fine wines responds to both quality and price competition.

Multiple factors must be taken into account when calculating the price. What comes into play in particular is the mode of governance of the property adopted (owner-operator, external shareholding or family shareholding), as well as elements such as the quality of the harvest estimated by external professionals and by the staff of the property, the economic situation economical, the level of en primeur release prices during previous vintages, the positioning in relation to the price of vintages of comparable reputation. Far from being an instantaneous economic decision resulting from the immediate confrontation of supply and demand, the price emerges from a long process. It is in no way a reflection of a supposed pre-existing value of wine, but rather a social construction, the subject of continuous struggles.

Interdependence and ambivalence of reputation dimensions

One of the main results of the survey is to clearly show the intermingling of the different sources of reputation, playing on each other in constant back and forth movements: the 1855 ranking comes partly from prices but plays on prices to come, themselves influenced by critics’ notes, which differ little from established classifications… Likewise, the dimensions of reputation are ambivalent. An element is never only a source of reputation but often also a reflection of previous hierarchies. This is the case for established rankings, but also for ratings and prices. The sources of reputation are also targets. This is what the notion of “ transfers »: when they come into contact, wines and professionals in the field (consultants, merchants, critics, owners, etc.), mutually influence their reputation.

The categories themselves are not unambiguous. All professionals play on the definitions and values ​​attached to them to succeed in the game. A producer whose wine belongs to the 1855 classification seeks to promote it, while another wishing to have his wine admitted there, underlines the imperfection of the classification, without however desiring its complete calling into question, for fear of losing the advantages of belonging to an elite… Following the work of David Stark, the author considers these situations of tension around statuses as constitutive entrepreneurial activities. Uncertainty is no longer seen as a threat but as a resource for actors.

Very stimulating and pleasant to read, The reputation market is a work intended for both academics and fans of Grands Crus Classés. However, certain sociological references sometimes appear a little superfluous when due to lack of space they are only briefly mentioned. We will also regret a little the absence of in-depth links established with the economy of singularities, when many avenues nevertheless invite it: the question of judgment, that of uncertainties, the links between prices and qualities… This does not take away anything, however , to the value of the work and invites the reader more versed in economic sociology than in alcohol to continue the reflection for himself.