Whatever the final outcome, the British elections of May 6, 2010 will undoubtedly mark the end of a political cycle. After thirteen years in power, Labor experiences political and intellectual wear and tear that places them in an unfavorable situation with voters.
After presenting himself as the pivot of a new “ progressive consensus “, The New Labor lost the monopoly of” change On which he founded his rhetoric. The crisis first uncovered the weaknesses of the growth model which he inherited from Thatcher years, strongly marked by the importance of the financial sector and the industrial decline. The management of the financial turmoil by Gordon Brown, who had proudly announced the end of the cycles of “ Boom and Bust », It seems not enough to convince the voters of the legitimacy of the New Labor to preside over the destinies of Great Britain in the post-crise. The current reflections of Labor are trying to learn from it by drawing the contours of a strategic and more active state.
On the eve of a period of budgetary austerity, the question of the state and the public sphere is indeed at the heart of the electoral debate. The crisis of confidence in the political system feeds on the wear and tear of its traditional pillars – of the traditional partisan affiliations weakened, a parliament which little reflects the diversity of opinions, a political staff discredited by the Iraq war and the scandals – but Also of a mode of government described as authoritarian, bureaucratic and centralizing by the two opposition parties. The Conservatives, who campaign on the theme of a “ broken company To rebuild, just like the Liberals Democrats, who intend to trust the individual and civil society more, claim both to want to revitalize an exhausted democratic life and, which may seem paradoxical today, to break with a certain Statism.
Thus, while the elections of May 6 could lead to a profound transformation of their political system, the British today have the choice between three political parties which, despite their differences, are all, in a way, the heirs of the heirs New Labor. All claim to occupy the center of the political spectrum by embodying a form of “ third way ». All are impregnated, in their speeches and programs, by the ideological synthesis long personified by Tony Blair, a mixture of unreserved acceptance of the market and a desire to preserve equity in “ equipping Individuals so that they can carry out their personal aspirations, thanks in particular to preservation – but also to the deep transformation – of major public services.
These are the various facets of the inheritance of these thirteen years of government that The life of ideas So chose to explore, crossing approaches.
– Summary of the file:
- Antoine Colombani, modernize the Welfare State British. Interview with Julian Le Grand (Lse), May 6, 2010.
- Florence Faucher-King & Patrick Le Galès, towards a market company ?, May 6, 2010.
- Florence Faucher-King, “ The crisis of representation in Great Britain », May 4, 2010.
- Tim Leunig, “ The decline of industry and its regional consequences in Great Britain », May 4, 2010.
- Emilie the host, “ From perpetual progress to broken society. The rhetoric of the change of Tony Blair to David Cameron », April 30, 2010.
- Alexis Garatti, “ The economic globalism of the United Kingdom », April 29, 2010.
- Patrick Diamond, Roger Liddle, “ Why the New Labor needs new ideas », April 27, 2010.
– And always on The life of ideas ::
- Antoine Colombani, “ New British conservatism », July 10, 2009.
- Olaf Cramme, “ Does New Labour already have a new program ? », November 12, 2007.
- Thomas Mélonio, “ In the head of a doctor spin », November 5, 2007.
- Jacques de Maillard, “ Can we reform the police ? », October 12, 2009.