The Ideological Basis of General Vannacci (Full Text)

On July 13, 2025, General Roberto Vannacci — already known for his controversial best-seller Il mondo al contrario and for his entry into the European Parliament with the League party led by Matteo Salvini, of which he became vice-secretary — founded his own movement, Futuro Nazionale. One year later, the party presented its political program for the 2027 elections: a text that seeks to structure a hegemonic political identity through nine thematic chapters, and which, in the characteristic style, provokes controversy to generate media noise — quotes borrowed from Mussolini, proposals of “remigration” aimed at those deemed foreign to the Italian civilization. On the other hand, the document repeatedly claims a “pragmatic” stance, which in reality amounts to an attempt to surpass Giorgia Meloni’s right specifically in the areas where her governance has disappointed or where promises have remained unfulfilled: immigration, the abolition of the criminal category of femicide, opposition to the European Union and rapprochement with Russia.

B.I.P. – Base idéologique et programmatique de Futuro Nazionale pour l’Italie de demain (2027-2037)

Par amour pour l’Italie d’aujourd’hui et par espoir pour l’Italie de demain

This text presents a first substantial collection of ideas emerging from the base, drawn from discussions with members, within the framework of Futuro Nazionale’s core values and submitted to the attention of the president and national executive for the drafting of upcoming government programs for the country. The deadline for the full realization of the objectives indicated here is the duration of two legislatures, i.e., ten years, while the identified values are timeless.

This document does not pretend to cover every theme and every sector of the Italian system, but provides the fundamental principles and government strategies for the most urgent national priority areas. The directions and departments will be tasked with further developing these principles and strategies in a wide range of areas, from the economy to justice, from defense to education, from “remigration” to subsidiarity, to foreign policy, health, environment, work, culture, and the revival of national identity as Roman and Christian identity. This program will remain a living document, nourished by internal debate, by analyzing evolving scenarios, and by dialogue with civil society realities. Accordingly, it will be periodically updated, while continuing to affirm the same core values in the face of new challenges.

“Bless, O great God, Italy!”

Pope Pius IX

“Divine Right that lies within us, in sleep”

Pier Paolo Pasolini, Salut et vœux

Introduction : qui sommes-nous et que ferons-nous ?

Futuro Nazionale“Futuro Nazionale with Roberto Vannacci” is an Italian political project anchored in Roman and Christian Tradition, firmly grounded in the present, and looking toward the future of the Nation: a future commensurate with our history and our aspiration to meet the challenges of the present moment with ardor, virtue, and a spirit of sacrifice. This is the moment where the past — what is no longer — and the future — what is not yet — meet, challenging us to freedom: to choose now what we live for and what we are willing to die for. In the realm of political action — the domain proper to a project like ours — being Italian, always and proudly, remains the directional criterion for those of us who make the Nation their space of existence, dream, and action. The moment has come for the “Divine Right that is within us, asleep,” as Pier Paolo Pasolini wrote, a moral witness not necessarily of the right but capable of great intuition about the Nation’s historical situation after World War II, to wake up at last. Let sleep — and dream — become the dawn of a new adventure: the rebirth of a soulful, identitarian, vital Right. Futuro Nazionale thus arises from the will to bring Italy back to its roots, placing it back on the path of its great history.

The General Roberto Vannacci, founder and president of the movement, has stated the heart of the mission: to take, quickly and without moderation, the path back toward an identity-based country, sovereign, safe, free, and prosperous. The party presents itself as a patriotic and identitarian right-wing force, capable of welcoming Italians of good will, proud of their national roots, rooted in Roman law, Greco-Rreek philosophy, heroic Christian Romano-Germanic civilization, and above all in the synthesis of these elements achieved by Catholic civilization. A force determined to pursue first and foremost the interests of Italians, to defend their values, their history, and their inclination to develop their own culture and existence to the highest possible degree. Futuro Nazionale’s vision is founded on cardinal values — national identity, natural family, security, freedom, merit, and tradition — deemed indispensable for a new Italian spring.

The declared mission is to detach from artificial divisions and from certain fake ideological categories aimed at keeping Italians in a permanent civil war rather than enabling them to undertake a realistic effort for the Nation’s good in light of the fundamental values of our civilization. It is essential not to be overwhelmed by the upheavals of a world that has undergone staggering transformations in a few years, and to steer wisely, presenting itself as a truly new force capable of listening to the citizen and staying close to him, growing, improving the system and the nation’s quality of life, in order to build and leave to our children a better Italy than the one we received, through a comprehensive, decisive, and constructive political project; a project capable of dialogue with other civil society realities and Italian political realities, but without compromising on ideals and with a clear awareness of non-negotiable values (starting with the defense of life from conception to natural death, the natural family, Christian identity, and the Roman conception of law: lines that cannot be crossed, whatever the cost).

Through the present political program, organized by thematic domains, Futuro Nazionale presents the vision, founding values, concrete proposals, and strategic objectives that characterize its political action. Each chapter sets out the orientations and initiatives that the party intends to promote across sectors—from the economy to justice, from defense to education, from “remigration” to subsidiarity, foreign policy, health, environment, work, culture, and the revival of national identity as Roman and Christian. This program will remain alive, nourished by internal confrontation, by analysis of evolving scenarios, and by dialogue with civil society realities. Therefore, it will be periodically updated, continuing to assert the same values in the face of new challenges.

Around us, the world is filled with risks that no society can ignore. The competition among great powers has returned as a structural factor; Fukuyama’s “end of history” proved to be a great illusion; the war in Ukraine, with Europe’s disastrous positioning, opened scenarios that many had not imagined; the Middle East remains a center of instability; cyber threats can paralyze entire systems; global supply chains are fragile; demographic crisis and migratory flows generate tensions and define a grave crisis in the long-term existence of our society.

In the face of this complex reality, Italy’s political class in recent years has shown itself largely inadequate. A growing portion of the country has lost confidence in Italian politics. Some citizens have stopped voting because they no longer believe politics can meaningfully affect their lives; others who previously felt represented by political forces that are now increasingly similar to one another; others who sought answers in movements born as forms of protest and then fell back into technocratic, ideological, or cowardly recipes, with no real conclusions. It is therefore time to change the game and question all parameters slavishly accepted by those who have embraced a politics whose rules were already decided behind closed doors by those who think of everything except the national interest.

Today’s policy cannot be read with the categories of the past: it must be interpreted through the real needs of the present and the internal and global challenges the country faces today and in the future. It is time for the renaissance of a thought and action typical of Romans and Christians, committed to the future of our families and children, to whom we must give a country better and worthy of what our ancestors handed down, whose will remains as warning, heritage, and a criterion for decision. As Gilbert Keith Chesterton taught us, whose death coincided with the closing day of our Constituent Assembly: “Tradition may be defined as the extension of the franchise. Tradition means giving the vote to the most obscure of all classes, that of our ancestors.” Giovannino Guareschi also told us this, in his diary written during his captivity in a German camp, that “one must also take into account the dead, in true democracy.”

For all these reasons, Futuro Nazionale draws inspiration from a patriotic and tireless realism, convinced that Italy — cradle of civilization, art, philosophy, and innovation — has a natural vocation toward magnanimity, i.e., the forgotten virtue of greatness. The movement aims to recognize and promote the dignity of the Italian people, supporting and renewing its pride, and placing national interest at the center of what was the cradle of European civilization: this body that is ancient Rome, this soul that is Christian Rome. A body today represented also by the material extent of our land — ringed by the Alps and the Mare Nostrum, blessed by the climate that made it “the garden of the empire” (Dante, Purgatorio, VI) —, the Italic peoples (legal and blood kinship founded on the family, which is a society of law and blood and the source of the nation, whose origin lies in the Latin nasci, to be born) whom the ancient Empire federated and unified, organizing them into regions directly bound to Rome (never “Roman provinces” like lands outside Italy) and, among these peoples, the wealth of the features of our faces, hair, and eyes.

Italy also has a soul: faith, language (“the beautiful country where the “si” resounds,” Inferno, XXXIII), history, shared values. To make an Italian, you do not need a civics course: it takes centuries. What is the Fatherland? It is the land of the fathers who, through the centuries, built the same roads, told the same stories, fought on the same front. It is precisely for this reason that civil wars are the deepest wound in the history of peoples: they are fratricide of sorts.

The Roman Empire, of which we Italians are grateful heirs, was notoriously capable of a great synthesis and a fruitful encounter and exchange of cultures. Civilizations do not progress by indiscriminate addition or mixing with others, but by the ability to integrate and assimilate: Italy did this with perfect continuity for more than two millennia. Today, however, a forced and unnatural overlay occurs, a true invasion that is neither exchange nor confrontation but destruction of the body and soul of Italy, imposing new cultural models and overturning our laws, our traditions, our security, and our freedom to continue living at home according to the model we defended and promoted for millennia.

As General Roberto Vannacci has repeatedly emphasized: “Italy comes first, then the State and the institutions that must serve it.” Our project claims to be that of a “vital” right, i.e., not wrapped in rules of discourse decided by culture elites and by those who grant permissions to decide what one may think and what one cannot. A vital right also because it places at the forefront the need to promote life, starting with demographic revival: to grow, to dream, to work, one must first exist. And a people exists through its citizens, its children, those who are missing today, with the risk of marking the end of Italian civilization. Our country’s political class has also fallen asleep on its laurels for decades on this topic, postponing what is one of the most urgent problems for the subsistence and prosperity of the Nation.

Thus, a vital right that challenges conformity and mediocrity, to unleash the Nation’s unexpressed energies and spark new ones. Futuro Nazionale presents itself as an identitarian, sovereignist, action-oriented political project, critical of dangerous international arrangements and alliances for Italy, determined to redraw the country’s future from its founding values and roots. This is what we are, and this is what we have decided to be again. For anyone who would challenge our identity and intentions, we will move forward with unwavering resolve.

1— Doctrine économique et fiscalité

Liberté économique, propriété diffuse et fonction stratégique de l’État

Futuro Nazionale promotes a development model based on diffuse ownership, merit, the value of enterprise and work, economic freedom, community solidarity, and the protection of national interest through the exercise of economic sovereignty. The objective is to build a more prosperous, competitive, and socially cohesive Italy, where economic growth, family well-being, the fostering of productive excellence, and the strengthening of economic autonomy advance together. Private initiative, enterprise, self-employment and fairly compensated salaried work, liberal professions, saving, free competition represent the ordinary engine of growth. The State’s task is not to substitute for the market, but to create favorable conditions for development: stable rules, simpler taxation, lean bureaucracy, efficient infrastructure, and the protection of competition. In sectors decisive for economic sovereignty, productive continuity, and technological autonomy, the State should nonetheless perform an orientation, guarantor, and proportionate vigilance function, always aiming to protect and pursue the common good. Energy, infrastructure, credit, savings, strategic technologies, and essential productive sectors require appropriate instruments of protection and guidance. Golden Power, the Sovereign Fund for national growth, and support policies for essential sectors should not become forms of dirigisme, but selective instruments to contribute to the development of the national economy, facing international crises, external dependencies, hostile acquisitions, and risks to industrial continuity. In the face of a globalization dominated by multinationals and international finance — which risks devouring the “made in Italy,” our productive fabric, and the value of our labor — it is necessary to reassert, as all nations do, the sovereignty of the State and public institutions in economic and social matters.

Against a left that envisions “all workers” (now literally deprived even of their own offspring), Futuro Nazionale proposes a vision of an Italy where everyone could be an owner, where dependence on public subsidies is minimized as much as possible, and where ownership is encouraged for all families. While others dream of the model of large financial concentrations, for Futuro Nazionale diffuse ownership is, as a historical given that has characterized Italy, the path to facing the future as well. Diffuse ownership is indeed one of the pillars of economic stability and freedom for families. Thus the program promotes worker participation in the profits of the enterprise and broad-based shareholding through simple, incentive-compatible tax instruments, reinforcing the co-responsibility between capital and labor and contributing to the reconstruction of a productive middle class. Futuro Nazionale’s economic doctrine rests on a framework oriented toward cooperation among classes and intermediate social bodies, in line with the Church’s Social Doctrine, rather than class war. To pursue these goals, the fundamental prerequisite is reclaiming spaces of economic and fiscal sovereignty in the face of the heavy presence of the European Union, which constrains and represses the development potential of nations — starting with Italy — and makes them weaker and more exposed to the negative consequences of globalization.

Une fiscalité pour la croissance, la famille et la production

The tax system must become simple, stable, comprehensible, and growth-oriented. An overly complex tax system creates economic and administrative costs that penalize families, liberal professionals, and businesses almost as much as overtaxation. Therefore, simplification is not an incidental aspect of tax reform, but an essential component of reducing the burden on the productive system. The reduction of fiscal pressure, with particular focus on the “fiscal corner,” is a strategic objective to be pursued through a gradual, durable, and verifiable path. This path must rest on normative simplification, widening the tax base, recovering organized evasion, eliminating unproductive expenditures, and constant monitoring of economic and financial effects. The disastrous policy of moving from “taxing people” to “taxing things” — which sounds appealing because people feel they are no longer taxed — has been a grave instrument of aggression against property rather than wealth, and has particularly harmed those with low incomes or none at all: one who has no income, how can he pay taxes and fees tied to simple ownership of a motorcycle, a car, a second home inherited from grandfather? A system so invasive that it even targets non-revenue-generating possessions must be revised to return to reason. Public resources must be progressively directed toward investments capable of supporting productivity, natality, innovation, employment, and competitiveness, prioritizing structural interventions over temporary or emergency measures. The credibility of tax cuts depends on tying them to a clear, measurable, and public-finance-balanced expenditure method, but also on the possibility of securing the necessary financial resources through renewed economic sovereignty and greater flexibility and exemptions from EU financial constraints. That is why, in its relations with the European Union and international bodies, Futuro Nazionale supports a line of realism and protection of national interest through genuine economic sovereignty. Common rules should foster growth, competitiveness, savings protection, and social cohesion. When they produce penalizing effects on Italy’s productive system, the government should revise them through institutional instruments, international political alliances, and technical proposals, without fearing to exercise its veto power. In particular, there must be action to correct the calamitous signature of the European Stability and Growth Pact under the Meloni government, which imposed even tighter constraints on our capacity to spend on productive investments. To achieve this, Futuro Nazionale sees no other path than exercising our veto of the EU’s next multiannual budget, since so far only exemptions granted by a Commission overly yoked to Germany have concerned “European rearmament” and the “Green Deal” — not genuine national and continental needs, but the imposition of negative ideological orientations for European peoples. From this perspective, a comprehensive revision of EU treaties seems necessary, given that the current institutional architecture was designed in a markedly different context and, in any case, according to an ordoliberal ideology whose alignment with the pursuit of the common good has been refuted by events. This architecture must be updated to reflect the transformations of recent decades, reestablishing the primacy of the common good — the objective of politics — as the criterion for harmonizing private interests, and strengthening competitiveness, subsidiarity, economic security, social justice, and international cooperation, in full respect for the national interests of Member States. The idealistic forecasts about monetary union have proven a terrible deception for the productive world and Italian workers. Today, the possibility of revising common European rules cannot ignore what has happened since then or the real conditions of political action, balancing hypotheses and coordinating time, modalities, alliances, and circumstances to achieve better economic conditions for Italy and mitigate any negative effects of revision strategies. In this way, there is no room for the kind of rhetoric we have witnessed in recent years, which has always ended either in servile obedience to every Brussels order or in rupture statements never followed by a real operational strategy. Only the promotion of an organic revision of the treaties, carried out with competence and, to the extent possible given complexity, without harming the country’s work and productivity, can guarantee the indispensable protection of the national interests of EU member states, starting with Italy. The Constitution remains the fundamental reference for public action. In respecting international commitments, any constraint must be interpreted and, if necessary, erased in light of the national interest, the protection of work, and the country’s productive capacity. That is why Futuro Nazionale proposes a reform explicitly reaffirming the primacy of the Italian Constitution’s principles over any international treaty, including European ones.

Nos propositions fiscales prioritaires

• Tax reform founded on simplicity, fairness, stability, and proportionality, with the elimination of obsolete rules, reduction of micro-taxes, a stable fiscal calendar, and a single digital portal for the main procedures.
• Multi-year fiscal continuity, so that rates, deductions, and fundamental tax rules remain stable over time, enabling families and businesses to plan investments, hiring, and economic activities with greater certainty.
• Introduction of a true family quotient, taking into account, for the determination of the tax rate, the number of persons the income must actually support. The family quotient should become a fundamental criterion for applying tax progression, recognizing family and birthrate as central factors of economic, social, and pension system sustainability.
• Definition of policy and tax measures with a “shock-generating” effect to boost the demographic balance, a condition of anthropological, civil, economic, and pension system sustainability. In 2025, Italy’s fertility rate stood at 1.14 children per woman — nearly half the “extinction rate” (the fertility rate needed to maintain the population, 2.1 children per woman) — see the “Specific economic measures for the family” section of this program.
• Promotion of bold European-level action to recognize demography as a real Europe-wide crisis (the European fertility rate fluctuates between 1.3 and 1.4 children per woman), while continuing to treat continental urgencies such as the Green Deal and ReArm EU as diversions. Europe needs a structural derogation to the Stability and Growth Pact not about carbon emissions but about procreation.
• Introduction of “blue quotas” in public competitions, reserving a portion of vacancies for parents of large families: supporting families that procreate is supporting Italy’s future.
• Structural reduction of the fiscal corner to raise workers’ net income and reduce labor costs, with priority for youth, families, and labor-intensive businesses.
• Gradual elimination of advance payments for the self-employed and small enterprises, shifting taxation toward revenues actually produced and collected, in ways compatible with public finances’ continuity.
• Extension of the cash basis principle for liberal professions and small enterprises, progressively allowing VAT to be paid at the moment of actual cash receipts, within the regulatory limits.
• Continued reduction of income tax (IRPEF) rates and rationalization of brackets, with particular attention to protecting the middle class and ensuring taxpayer category neutrality, aiming toward a flat tax with one or two rates.
• Review of the relationship between the flat-rate regime and the ordinary regime, removing threshold effects that discourage revenue growth, and planning a gradual, transparent, anti-evasion transition between the two systems.
• Study of raising the cap for the favorable regime for self-employed workers and introducing incremental taxation on additional income to spur growth and declaration without penalizing those who grow their activity.
• Revision of deductible business expenses and depreciation system, promoting productive investments, innovation, digitization, energy efficiency, and capital goods.
• Progressive expansion of deductibility of fundamental expenses paid through traceable means, prioritizing health, education, housing, children, disability, and loss of independence, accompanied by rationalization of fragmented tax benefits.
• New relationship between the State and taxpayer based on proportional taxation, legal certainty, administrative simplification, preventive cooperation, and focusing controls on the most significant evasion and avoidance phenomena.
• Gradual reduction of VAT on essential goods for families and children, with possible revision of applicable European regulations if needed.
• Strengthening of deductibility of charitable donations to third-sector organizations, ensuring transparency, proper use of resources, and measurability of social impact.
• Tax and social incentives for returning to Italy of strategically produced goods and high value-added supply chains as a tool of industrial policy and competitiveness.
• Simplified resolution of prior tax disputes, linked to a simpler, stable tax system oriented toward collaboration between administration and taxpayer.
• Strengthening the fight against organized tax evasion, international tax avoidance, frauds, and artificial bases transfers, focusing controls on the most economically significant phenomena and reducing administrative burdens for compliant small businesses.
• Application of the principle that every new administrative obligation should be accompanied by the elimination or simplification of existing obligations.
• Taxation oriented toward productivity, rewarding research, innovation, technology transfer, human capital, productive investments, and improved competitiveness of the Italian economy.

Fonds souverain, crédit, épargne et retraite

Futuro Nazionale proposes the creation of the Sovereign Fund for national growth, as a strategic investment instrument designed to support infrastructure, energy, innovation, advanced technologies, research, venture capital, and strengthening of Italian companies’ equity. The Fund should operate under transparency, economic viability, and independent management criteria, mobilizing selective public resources, institutional investors, and national savings. The Fund could intervene, including temporarily, to protect strategic assets when exposed to hostile acquisitions or situations that could compromise economic security, continuity of supply chains, or technological autonomy, in coordination with Golden Power instruments. The goal is to balance market freedom with protection of national strategic interests, avoiding both permanent dirigisme and the abandonment of essential assets to speculative short-term logics. Economic policy cannot ignore an efficient credit system oriented toward real-economy development. Italian families, liberal professionals, and businesses still depend heavily on bank financing; thus the protection of savings, the strengthening of regional banks, cooperative credit, and a plurality of financial instruments are essential to national economic sovereignty. The State’s presence should be limited to protecting financial infrastructure, ensuring system stability, and maintaining competition, avoiding excessive concentrations and promoting financing of the real economy. Italian savings must be protected and, as far as possible, directed toward productive investments, infrastructure, innovation, and business growth. Pension reform must ensure stability, equity, and long-term sustainability, avoiding continual recourse to temporary measures and annual exemptions. Futuro Nazionale’s program objective is to enable retirement after 41 years of actual contributions, via a gradual path compatible with the system’s financial and demographic balances. Special attention will be given to hard jobs, discontinuous careers, late entrants to the labor market, self-employed workers, and women with children, recognizing the social value of motherhood with pension adjustments to be introduced according to sustainability criteria and with a meaningful reduction of retirement age based on number of children. At the same time, supplementary pension will be encouraged by strengthening financial literacy and gradually expanding the deductibility of corresponding contributions, to supplement future pensions and promote investments in the national real economy.

Une proposition pour le renforcement de la souveraineté économique : la monnaie fiscale

Futuro Nazionale proposes to study the introduction of a fiscal currency as a complementary instrument of economic policy, based on the voluntary circulation of tax credits and cross-claims between the State and taxpayers, not constituting an alternative currency. The formulation should be technical and prudent: not a destabilizing instrument, but an orderly liquidity and compensation mechanism. The objective is to foster productive investments, compensation between debts and credits with the administration, and support for the real economy, limiting recourse to new public debt. Its possible introduction would be gradual, through a catalog of existing tax credits, followed by bounded experiments that are fully traceable and subject to independent oversight. Circulation would remain voluntary, regulated, and transparent, in respect of macroeconomic stability and legal certainty. Any expansion would be contingent on assessing effects on investments, tax receipts, liquidity, payment timing, and economic growth.

2— Travail, PME, professions et politiques de l’emploi

Travail, productivité et croissance

Labor constitutes the foundation of economic growth and social cohesion, while also being an indispensable dimension for personal expression and fulfillment, through which the well-being of families, national community development, and national stability are built. For Futuro Nazionale, achieving full employment is a priority, by creating conditions that allow every citizen to access stable employment that aligns with their skills and is adequately remunerated. The economic policy task is to boost employment growth, productivity, and disposable income, by creating a favorable climate for investments, business, and innovation. The State must guarantee simple rules, legal certainty, sustainable taxation pressure, efficient infrastructures, and fewer bureaucratic obstacles, while respecting private initiative as the main engine of economic development and providing strategic direction supported by public investments. In recent years, the purchasing power of Italian families has been eroded by sluggish growth, high labor taxation, rising energy costs, and stagnation in productivity. This has weighed on consumption, savings capacity, investments, birth rates, and the ability of many young people to build a stable life project. To reverse this trend, domestic demand and national production must be strengthened; productivity and the creation of new wealth through work, enterprise, innovation, and productive investments must be supported. The gradual reduction of the tax and social corner should increase workers’ net income without compromising the competitiveness of companies, triggering a virtuous circle. Reducing the cost of labor must be paired with investments in continuing training, digitization of enterprises, technological innovation, and the development of professional skills. Special attention will be given to universities and research, technical institutes, advanced vocational training, and continuing education paths essential to meet the changing job market. Technological innovation and artificial intelligence represent significant opportunities for productivity growth, but they require governance focused on protecting people and labor. The priority is to promote responsible adoption of new technologies while strengthening workers’ skills and guiding productive transformations without compromising employment, social cohesion, and competitiveness, with new organizational models that distribute the gains from technological innovation without increasing unemployment. If the left sees only redistribution of wealth through subsidies to citizens unable to work, Futuro Nazionale sees employment of everyone as a good to protect for economic, moral, and spiritual development of society. It must not be “poor work,” unable to meet basic needs. Therefore, national collective bargaining must be supported to secure fair compensation for salaried work, with tax exemptions for salary increases and also through a reform of union representativeness guaranteeing genuine defense of workers’ interests, especially in the face of large multinationals. The quality of work depends on external factors as well: energy policies, efficient infrastructure, housing access, and administrative simplification directly affect families’ purchasing power and the ability of companies to invest, hire, and remain competitive. This is why Futuro Nazionale sees structural reductions in energy costs (reopening Russian gas and diversifying national production sources, including nuclear and biomass) as a priority, strengthening physical and digital infrastructures, utilizing unused public heritage to improve housing access, encouraging affordable housing for young families. The digitalization of public administration should pursue a precise objective: simplify relations between citizens, businesses, and institutions, reducing delays, administrative costs, and unnecessary formalities, freeing resources for growth and employment.

Politiques actives de l’emploi, participation et capital humain

A modern employment policy should foster the match between supply and demand, support continuous training, and accompany people throughout their professional journeys. The objective is to shorten job-search times, value skills, and aid the professional reintegration of those who lose their jobs or need retraining. Futuro Nazionale proposes the creation of a national single placement database, integrated with companies, employment agencies, training organizations, and licensed private operators, so that the labor market is more efficient, transparent, and fast. Resources for employment services should be oriented toward outcomes in stable employment, successful training, and high-quality insertion. Economic aid for people in genuine need should be accompanied by orientation, training, and professional reintegration pathways. Solidarity must be combined with responsibility: no one should be left unprotected when truly needed, but every social policy should promote return to employment where feasible. Availability to work, for those capable, will be an essential condition for access to aid schemes, and these resources should, if possible, be directed toward reducing the tax corner and, hence, creating new jobs. Futuro Nazionale opposes the idea that those who work must sustain through their taxes those who refuse to work and contribute, according to their means, to the Nation’s welfare. Hence we propose as an orientation criterion what we call the “economic principle of Saint Paul”: If anyone is not willing to work, neither should he eat (1 Thessalonians 3:10).

Futuro Nazionale, following the wisdom of the Church’s Social Doctrine, sees broad worker participation in company growth as strategic. Profit-sharing, worker shareholding, and other economic association models can boost productivity, belonging, and business stability, promoting a more equitable distribution of growth revenues. These instruments should complement, not replace, ordinary remuneration, fostering a culture of co-responsibility between capital and labor and contributing to the strengthening of diffuse ownership and a broader productive middle class.

Entreprises, professions et compétitivité du système productif

Job growth hinges on the strength of the national productive system. That is why Futuro Nazionale places at the center of its economic policy the strengthening of small and medium-sized enterprises, family businesses, artisans, traders, liberal professions, farms and fisheries, which together with salaried labor constitute the backbone of the Italian economy. The objective is to create a favorable investment climate by reducing bureaucratic burdens, facilitating credit access, supporting innovation, and encouraging generational renewal in productive activities. A particular focus will be given to family businesses to preserve skills, professional heritage, and continuity. Growth in scale will be supported by business networks, consortia, and forms of collaboration that enhance competitiveness without compromising autonomy. Strengthening national supply chains and reshoring strategic productions will be essential tools to keep productive activities, decision centers, research, and high-value skills in Italy. To support growth in foreign markets, internationalization instruments will be strengthened, leveraging SACE, SIMEST, chambers of commerce, and Made in Italy promotion bodies. Companies investing in research, innovation, digitization, and export should rely on stable, predictable, and accessible instruments. Parallelly, the development of alternative financing instruments to traditional bank credit will be promoted through public-private initiatives designed to strengthen SMEs’ equity, fund investments, and grow high-potential industrial firms. Administrative simplification is a prerequisite for competitiveness: every intervention must reduce authorization delays, formalities, and costs, using digitization as a simplification tool rather than a new bureaucratic burden. Futuro Nazionale recognizes the positive aspects of innovation in payment systems but centers on protecting citizens’ and businesses’ freedom to choose between cash and alternative methods, within safety, legality, and economic freedom. We will raise the cash usage ceiling to €10,000, in line with European rules, while today in our country it is set at half that amount. A focus on countering brain drain will be given by promoting the return to Italy of young professionals, researchers, and entrepreneurs, through instruments that value skills acquired abroad and facilitate their reintegration into the national productive system. Regulated professions (professional orders) are an essential heritage of Italy’s economic system. Futuro Nazionale intends to facilitate young people’s access to regulated professions through more progressive and protective insertion pathways, including access to credit, better integration between training and professional practice, generation renewal, and the evolution of societies among professionals.

Sécurité, retraite et nouvelles perspectives du marché du travail

Health and safety at work are compulsory principles. Futuro Nazionale promotes stronger prevention efforts and oversight against illegal work, “caporalato,” and all forms of illicit intermediary arrangements, while favoring public procurement systems that emphasize quality, safety, and sustainability beyond price. Retirement system sustainability must align with worker dignity protection. Reforms must ensure financial balance, retirement flexibility, and robust protections for hard jobs and activities with special physical or psychological stress, while guaranteeing generous early retirement benefits for mothers proportional to the number of children. Growth in employment, productivity, birth rate expansion, and broader contributory base are essential to long-term system strength. Additionally, Futuro Nazionale will reduce end-of-service payments for public employees, aligning them with private sector regimes. Artificial intelligence and automation represent key transformations in the labor market. Futuro Nazionale believes these innovations should be governed with a people-centered approach, using technology to boost productivity, quality of work, and competitiveness. In the long run, organizational models that better distribute productivity gains should be considered, promoting a balanced relationship among work, training, family, leisure, and quality of life. Indeed, as explained in the “Work, productivity and growth” section, ensuring citizens’ survival through wealth redistribution alone is insufficient; equality of opportunity to continue creating wealth through work, rather than relying on welfare, is essential.

3— Made in Italy, industrie et commerce extérieur

Stratégie industrielle nationale, sécurité économique et Fonds souverain

Futuro Nazionale views industrial policy as a core instrument to reinforce competitiveness, economic security, and productive capacity. The aim is not to replace private initiative, which remains the main growth engine, but to create a stable framework capable of guiding investments, innovation, and development long term. To this end, the party proposes the development of a National Industrial Strategy and a multi-year Strategic Industrial Plan to coordinate existing public instruments, foster collaboration between institutions and enterprises, and set the country’s industrial priorities. Particular attention will be paid to high-value-added and strategically important sectors: energy, defense, aerospace, digital infrastructures, robotics, semiconductors, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, advanced automotive, and energy. The goal is to strengthen Italy’s presence in the most innovative technology supply chains and reduce external dependencies in critical sectors. In a global context characterized by rising economic and geopolitical competition, national economic security holds a central place. Futuro Nazionale supports openness to foreign investments based on reciprocity and legal certainty, always within a framework that protects the country’s strategic interests. Golden Power should be constantly updated and strengthened to allow interventions when acquisitions or corporate actions threaten critical infrastructures, strategic technologies, productive chains, national security, or industrial capacity. The Sovereign Fund for national growth, already presented in the previous chapter, will be one of the main industrial policy instruments, operating according to viability, transparency, and market-oriented criteria, encouraging private initiative and treating it as a means to strengthen Italy’s system. Finally, the core of strategically important enterprises in which the State holds a stake and essential services managed by local authorities, as well as the State’s financial intervention capacity through Cassa Depositi e Prestiti, must be protected and promoted as fundamental instruments of our national and territorial economic sovereignty, shielding them from clientelist and partisan logic. The overall objective is to enhance Italy’s ability to generate innovation, attract qualified investments, develop advanced skills, and maintain on the national soil research, intellectual property, strategic productions, and decision centers.

Filières productives, compétitivité et développement industriel

The strengthening of the national productive capacity is a strategic priority. International crises have highlighted the need for more resilient supply chains and reduced external dependencies in essential sectors, while consolidating the Italian productive system. Futuro Nazionale promotes the “Filiera Italia” project, designed as the integration of national companies, skills, infrastructures, and technologies. The project should foster reshoring, the return of industrial activities, research, decision-making functions, and value-added productions. To attract new investments, the environment must be characterized by regulatory stability, predictable administrative timelines, competitive taxation, and modern infrastructures. In this perspective, special economic zones and logistics zones will be strengthened, with particular attention to the Mezzogiorno as a strategic production and logistics platform in the Mediterranean, without conditioning the granting of special instruments on North-South alignment. Industrial competitiveness requires deep administrative simplification. Digital procedures will be extended, single digital ports enhanced, tacit agreement extended in compatible cases with the public interest, redundant forms reduced, and definite timelines set for authorizations. Public administration should become a factor of competitiveness, not an obstacle to development. Tax policy must support productive investments, research, innovation, digitization, and the growth of enterprises, favoring stable and predictable instruments and valuing companies that keep their productive activities, intellectual property, decision centers, and strategic skills in Italy. Industrial competitiveness also depends on infrastructure quality. Futuro Nazionale proposes a plan to strengthen ports, airports, railways, dry ports, logistics networks, and digital infrastructures to reduce transport costs, improve supply chain efficiency, and reinforce Italy’s role as a European and Mediterranean logistics hub. Another decisive factor is energy cost. The program supports a strategy oriented toward ensuring supply security, diversification of sources, and a gradual reduction of energy costs for families and businesses through a balanced mix including genuinely efficient renewable energies like biomass and hydropower, modern energy infrastructures, deployment of next-generation nuclear technologies, and a pragmatic international policy grounded in national security, starting with reopening the possibility of purchasing Russian gas at favorable prices.

Innovation, technological sovereignty et capital humain

Italy’s industrial competitiveness will increasingly depend on the ability to develop strategic technologies, to valorize research, and to transform knowledge into growth. Technological sovereignty is not about isolation but about being competitive in the world’s most advanced sectors. Investments in research, innovation, and technology transfer will be supported by strengthening collaboration among universities, research centers, companies, and institutions. The aim is to foster a national innovation ecosystem capable of turning scientific results into products, patents, companies, and skilled jobs. Particular attention will be paid to developing digital infrastructures, cybersecurity, a national cloud, protection of strategic data, and resilience of critical networks, as digital security is now a core component of the country’s economic security. Futuro Nazionale supports Italy’s participation in international programs dedicated to semiconductors, microelectronics, and advanced technologies, promoting investments in AI, robotics, quantum technologies, aerospace, innovative materials, and biotechnology. The Sovereign Fund should also back innovative startups, deep-tech firms, and research-intensive projects, facilitating the transition from scientific innovation to industrial production and easing access to capital in early development stages. Human capital remains a decisive element of competitiveness. The university system and research centers, superior technological institutes, technical and vocational training, and collaboration between education and industry will be strengthened to narrow the gap between market demands and available skills. At the same time, programs to bring Italian talent back from abroad, attract highly qualified profiles, and promote STEM disciplines in strategic sectors will be promoted.

Made in Italy, commerce international et sécurité des approvisionnements

Made in Italy represents a cornerstone of the nation’s economic, productive, and cultural heritage. Protecting it means defending not only brands and productions but also skills, industrial supply chains, skilled employment, and innovation capacity. Futuro Nazionale promotes a permanent strategy to valorize Italian excellences, supporting companies’ presence on international markets and reinforcing sectors that identify the country’s competitiveness: advanced manufacturing, high-quality agri-food, fashion, design, specialized mechanics, high-value craftsmanship, creative industries, and innovative technologies. Trade policy should follow the principle of reciprocity. Openness to international exchanges is an opportunity when operating under common rules, comparable standards, and fair competition conditions. At the European and international level, Italy must support instruments that combat unfair practices and guarantee equal competitive conditions for Italian companies. It will be necessary to stay vigilant against harmful agreements, such as the Mercosur deal. Any regulatory text or international agreement will be reviewed to protect Italian productions and the country’s economic sovereignty. Particular importance will be given to the traceability of productions and the protection of product origin, including via digital technologies like blockchain, to make supply chains more transparent, fight counterfeiting, and strengthen consumer trust. Local productions, short supply chains, and territorial excellence will be valued. In strategic sectors, public procurement should value, while respecting European regulations, criteria that consider not only price but also quality, supply chain reliability, supply security, and the ability to generate value for the national territory. Availability of critical raw materials is essential for developing tomorrow’s industry. Futuro Nazionale supports a national and European supply-security strategy through international agreements based on cooperation, knowledge transfer, sustainability, and reciprocal advantage, with special attention to rare earths and materials essential to advanced technologies. In this regard, cooperation with African countries becomes essential, as part of developing those countries and fostering mutually beneficial collaboration in many respects.

4— Crédit

Accès au crédit, réhabilitation du crédit et protection de la fiabilité financière

Credit represents a fundamental component of economic development, social mobility, and the growth of the productive system. Families, workers, liberal professionals, and businesses must be able to access financing instruments that are transparent, viable, and proportional to their economic capacity, in a context that combines financial stability with support for the real economy. In recent years, bank concentration processes and tighter lending criteria have made access to credit harder for many citizens and small businesses, even in the presence of temporary irregularities or limited magnitude. Futuro Nazionale believes it is necessary to restore a balance between financial prudence and the real possibility of reclaiming credit reliability. Futuro Nazionale also supports appointing national-interest banks specialized in financing strategic investments, innovation, infrastructure, and nationally important productive sectors, operating under viability, financial autonomy, and public-capital participation where appropriate. The program supports the principle of credit rehabilitation, favoring reintegration into financial circuits for those who have corrected their situation and demonstrated, over time, improvement in their economic relations. Credit information should continue to guarantee system stability, but on proportionality grounds, distinguishing occasional delays from structural insolvency. A revision of credit reporting regimes is proposed to update relevance thresholds, accelerate the removal of regularized cases, strengthen prior information obligations, and ensure greater transparency in creditworthiness assessments. Trust between citizens and the financial system requires simple procedures, understandable information, and effective guarantees. Before any credit impact, the citizen should be informed of their situation, understand its consequences, and exercise rights to clarification, defense, and regularization. Accordingly, Futuro Nazionale proposes strengthening protections for financial users, notably through specialized assistance, mediation, and information bodies, coordinated with competent authorities. The objective is to increase system transparency, prevent litigation, and strengthen trust in bank credit, without imposing unnecessary bureaucratic burdens.

Instruments de crédit, innovation financière et protection du débiteur

Futuro Nazionale promotes a more modern, competitive, and inclusive credit system, capable of complementing traditional bank credit with diversified financial instruments that foster investments, consumption, and the development of the real economy, all in the name of transparency, responsibility, and viability. The modernization of credit instruments will be encouraged by simplifying procedures, reducing administrative costs, and ensuring high standards of cybersecurity and data protection. Particular attention will be paid to revising the regime governing the assignment of a fifth of wages and pensions, to simplify credit access, increase transparency of contractual terms, promote competition among operators, and reduce costs for citizens, while ensuring adequate protections for the most vulnerable. A similar revision will be undertaken for advance payments on severance (TFR) and end-of-service benefits (TFS), to speed them up, make them more transparent, and economically advantageous, allowing workers to more easily use funds already accrued for family needs, personal investment, or capital improvements. An effective credit system requires a balance between creditor protection and debtor protection. Debt collection must occur within reasonable timeframes, but respecting proportionality, human dignity, and social viability, avoiding temporary hardship from producing irreparable economic exclusion. Particular attention will be paid to protecting funds for families’ subsistence, notably salaries, pensions, and social benefits. To strengthen legal certainty, mediation, conciliation, and out-of-court dispute resolution instruments will be encouraged to reduce civil-justice delays and promote rapid, balanced solutions.

Système bancaire, épargne et crédit à l’économie réelle

A solid, competitive banking system anchored in the real economy is essential to the country’s growth. Futuro Nazionale views credit not only as a financial service but as a strategic lever to support investment, innovation, employment, and the growth of enterprises. Over the past decades, Italy’s banking system has undergone significant concentration and transformation. While benefits in efficiency are acknowledged, it is necessary to strengthen the link between credit, territory, and the productive system so that families and businesses can access financing suited to their growth needs. Italy’s State has historically played a role in the banking system, prior to price-friendly sales and privatizations — unlike some other countries, such as France. In a reality where company financing remains heavily bank-centered and reluctant to rely on market finance, the strategic presence of the State in the banking system would have been valuable. Unfortunately, policies over decades have dismantled this positioning. Based on these considerations, a serious strategic analysis must be conducted to build, over time, modalities to defend Italian credit, savers, and enterprise financing for the Italian productive system. Particular attention will be paid to SMEs, family businesses, productive districts, and innovative realities, by fostering credit access oriented toward productive investments, research, digitization, internationalization, and growth. Italian savers are a strategic resource that must be protected and valorized. Futuro Nazionale promotes a financial system based on transparency, accurate information, and saver protection, while encouraging greater use of national savings for the real economy and productive investments. To reduce over-reliance on bank credit, a more diversified financial system will be encouraged, capable of integrating capital markets, productive investment instruments, funds dedicated to companies, and new ways of raising capital. This will broaden funding opportunities and strengthen the capitalization of the entrepreneurial fabric.

Crédit, développement national et sécurité financière

Credit is a strategic component of national economic competitiveness. Futuro Nazionale believes it is necessary to strengthen coordination between credit policies, industrial development, and protection of savings, all within a market-driven economy and the autonomy of financial operators. The objective is to foster a system able to direct an increasing share of available resources toward productive investments, innovation, infrastructure, research, and enterprise growth, contributing to the development of the real economy and to the country’s competitive capacity. In line with the industrial strategy outlined in earlier chapters, the financial system must support companies engaged in innovation, digitization, internationalization, and technological development, promoting greater integration between national savings, productive credit, and strategic investments. Particular attention will be given to instruments that strengthen corporate capitalization, support growth of productive supply chains, and accompany investments in sectors deemed strategically important for national economic security, including coordination with the Sovereign Fund for national growth. Credit policy should pursue a dual objective: ensure financial system stability and support real-economy growth, leveraging Italian savers as a development engine for innovation and employment. A robust, competitive, investment-oriented credit system is essential to strengthen the country’s economic sovereignty and sustain stable, durable, broadly shared growth.

5— Assimilation et Remigration

The theme of migration policy and “remigration” is one of the central and distinctive chapters of Futuro Nazionale’s program, the only Italian force proposing a line of absolute firmness against clandestine immigration, mass immigration — even if regular — and immigration of people carrying cultures deemed incompatible with the fundamental values of our civilization, perceived as a threat to both security and national identity.

Italy, indeed, has a clear identity, shaped over time through an organic and homogeneous process of development, not through chaotic contamination. Civilizations do not progress by addition or indiscriminate mixing with others, but by capacity for assimilation; Italy has done this with perfect continuity for more than two millennia, embracing the completion of Roman civilization in Catholicism (see “Luce di Roma cristiana nel diritto” by Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani), which found in Roman law the natural language of its own juridical system (see for this “Roman Catholicism and Political Form” by Carl Schmitt), in “this Rome whose Christ is Roman” (Dante Alighieri, Purgatorio, XXXII). The formation of Italian identity also integrated the Greek philosophical heritage as the most perfect human articulation of the things of Logos (the Word) made flesh. Furthermore, Grecian philosophy had previously demonstrated excellence in Magna Graecia, our southern Italy. In the Rome of Saint Leo the Great, Saint Gregory the Great, Saint Gregory VII, the best of natural civilization (Roman law and Greek philosophy) and the work of Christian grace, Catholic Western Christianity that gave shape to history and the world, converge. As a center of Romanity and Catholicism, as noted by the secular yet deeply insightful Ernesto Galli della Loggia, “it is as if Italy somehow guards the identity of every European” (L’identità italiana, 2010). There is much talk of a supposed historical Italian vocation to indiscriminate welcoming of other populations, but that is a historical falsehood manufactured by those who wish to destroy our country. The most significant historical invasion Italy faced was that of the Lombards: about 300,000 people, whereas the native Italian population was around seven to eight million — about 4% (and this population was already Christian, albeit in an Arian variant, which later embraced Catholicism) — whereas today about 12% of Italy’s residents are not native-born Italians, and the assimilation into Christianity, a fundamental feature of Italian historical identity, remains statistically uncommon. As for other “contaminations,” consider the Normans, who were first assimilated into Catholicism upon their settlement in Normandy before moving into Sicily, or the presence of Arab Muslims who were expelled by the Normans, restoring Christian identity to Sicily, albeit with small enclaves in southern Italy (think of the Saracen archers of Lucera, elite corps of Emperor Frederick II) enabling a constructive confrontation without mass superposition. The Byzantines, who were Christians (and Catholic until 1054), were repelled by the Normans over the centuries.

The massive presence of other peoples is not a feature of our history; on the contrary, it poses a threat to the existence of a social identity and the possibility of common work and collective life. There is also the emblematic statistic that foreigners, who account for about 9% of the population, commit about 30% of homicides, 40% of violent robberies, and 35% of rapes. Futuro Nazionale therefore regards this situation as a national emergency and proposes extraordinary laws enabling the rapid expulsion of delinquent foreigners or those without residence permits, removing the attractiveness of new entries, ending the massive use of “flux decrees,” changing citizenship grant and revocation criteria, repatriating foreign detainees (which currently costs the Italian State around one billion euros per year), and taking energetic measures against degradation, illegal occupations, and “no-go” zones in peripheral areas. The number of foreigners or people born to foreign parents currently present in our country is excessive and has created problems of cultural homogenization, belonging to a national people, and propensity toward crime. We must defend our borders and stop treating migrations as an inalienable individual right, especially when the motive is economic. Moreover, mass migrations represent a subtle form of colonialism in disguise, through which Europe deprives many developing nations of their fundamental energies — their youth (especially men, according to migration data) in their productive age. These countries thus lose the most powerful lever for economic development, perpetuating the vicious circle of a dichotomous world, with productive zones and structurally disadvantaged zones with no hope of catching up, to the detriment of the social and existential anchoring of people and nations, with the only advantage (for a few) of lowering labor costs in a mass, highly mobile workforce market, the current version of Marx’s “industrial reserve army.” In short, Futuro Nazionale intends to stop the immigration process, considered unsustainable given its scale, and to reverse it also through remigration. Sovereignty over migration policy is considered an integral and indispensable part of national sovereignty. Futuro Nazionale therefore proposes a radical transformation of the system, based on the principle that the safety of Italian citizens, the protection of the national community, and the defense of identity take precedence over the tendency to welcome the foreigner without discernment. We support redefining the relationship between rights and duties: hospitality and citizenship are recognized only for those who demonstrate adherence to the values of our civilization, respect for the laws, contribution to the common good through work, and loyalty to the Nation. One of the most notable innovations is reforming the expulsion system, which goes beyond historical European and national legislation, using the wide margins made possible by the new European Return Regulation, adopted by the European Parliament including General Roberto Vannacci. The plan is to focus on rapid identification, mandatory foreign cooperation, strengthening retention centers (CPR) for repatriation, a single repatriation process, reducing procedural slowdowns, limiting litigation, and signing international repatriation agreements based on a conditionality principle binding different forms of cooperation between countries. Juridical protection must remain guaranteed, but it cannot become a dilatory instrument, and the right of appeal cannot become a means to indefinitely escape the law. We will pursue binding bilateral agreements for the execution of repatriations, introducing the concept of loyalty on repatriations as a condition of political, social, and economic cooperation. EU funds for cooperation must also be conditioned on the conclusion and adherence to effective repatriation agreements. The entire expulsion system will be overhauled, starting with a drastic increase in CPRs, including outside the European Union, by extensively employing “safe third countries.”

The move challenges Meloni on two fronts. First, the Marx quote on the “industrial reserve army”: popularized by Vannacci himself, it has circulated for years in Italian far-right circles as an anti-immigration argument — while, as has been repeatedly emphasized, the Marxian concept originally referred to structural unemployment in industrial capitalism, not migrant workers; its use here is a conceptual appropriation, not a faithful reading of Marx. Second, the generalized use of “safe third countries” and offshored centers aims directly at the Meloni administration’s failure in Albania: launched in 2024 (Italy-Albania agreement, Shëngjin and Gjader centers), this extraterritorial asylum-processing mechanism has been blocked several times by Italian courts, which refused to validate the detention of migrants from “unsafe” countries under European law, forcing the government to repatriate the concerned persons to Italy. By reviving the idea of safe third countries without these jurisdictional obstacles, Vannacci implicitly claims that Meloni’s judicial failure proves that his own more radical procedural plan is the only viable one.

The objective is to transform expulsion, a theoretical measure, into a fast, certain, and effective instrument. Our proposal also includes a model of “active reciprocity,” which turns hosting from a passive burden into a loyalty pathway: anyone arriving — for objectively serious and relevant reasons for recognizing international protection — must work, receive training, contribute according to their abilities to the common good, and respect our norms and civilization. Simultaneously, the program introduces strict criteria for citizenship — twenty years of regular residence, C1-level language proficiency, written and oral exams, honorable behavior, no criminal convictions, and formal declaration of acceptance and effective assimilation to Greco-Roman-Christian civilization — these foundational pillars of Italian and European identity, without links to the historical and political phenomena of recent centuries, about which Italians themselves have a rich variety of narratives and positions. Citizenship implies acceptance of the duty to defend the Motherland (Article 52 of the Italian Constitution), and it would be inconsistent to assume the duty to defend a civilization to which one does not belong and does not recognize as one’s own.

Plan di Remigration: 22 mesures

Here, in detail, are the 22 measures of our Remigration Plan:

1. National borders seal: identify natural landing points outside Italy and establish patrols. In the absence of sufficient community governance, immediate intervention is necessary to restore legality and state sovereignty by defending our borders, especially the maritime ones, given Italy’s geographic position. Therefore, adopt a policy that categorically bans illegal migratory flows from docking in our territorial waters and forbids any ship that has not been pre-authorized by national authorities from docking in our ports. Without sovereignty over borders, there is no national sovereignty. Geopolitically, this measure aligns with redistributing responsibilities at the international level: ships intercepting or transporting migrants must be formally invited to dock elsewhere, such as at Malta, the natural initial docking point for most routes toward Italian shores. The fact that even NGO ships avoid routes to Malta to massively target the Italian coastline demonstrates instrumental rationales and a deliberate illegality that must be countered by proportionate legislative, executive, and judicial tools that, while saving lives, prevent instrumentality, clandestine immigration, and the very system of departures based on the hope of reaching the desired destination — hence only a strict border-sovereignty policy can eradicate people-smuggling and the tragedy of drownings at sea. If formal border closure and port bans did not yield the expected short-term effects, our program provides, as a secondary measure, the activation of maximum deterrence and patrol measures using ordinary means (ships) and early detection devices (various technologies) enabling effective border surveillance — including surveillance drones and state-of-the-art military radar systems to swiftly intercept vessels, preventing illegitimate landings and human tragedy. To ensure real effectiveness of the navigation ban, administrative sanctions should be converted into criminal offenses. Penalty certainty and strict criminal law are important deterrents against illegality in our waters. Our program thus envisages a strict punitive framework and immediate criminal prosecutions in case of breach of the ban, extending liability to the entire chain: the shipowner and operator must face the same sentence as the crew if they participated, knowingly or by fault (lack of supervision) in landing bans or endangering the course. In case of repeat offenses with the same vessel, or with individuals already convicted, penalties must be particularly severe, including life imprisonment with no alternative measures. Conviction for breach of the ban will automatically lead to confiscation of the vessel, preceding its provisional seizure. These penalties will apply without prejudice to more serious offenses (aiding illegal immigration, endangering life, disobeying authorities, etc.).

2. Reform of asylum and protection law : transcending the currently outdated protection processing system by amending legislation to prevent on-territory landing and to allow asylum seekers to remain in safe third countries outside the EU during the examination of their cases through bilateral agreements. The granting of protection instruments will be tightly framed to prevent extensions, abuses and grants in the absence of grave danger. There is a need to reverse the trend that began in the early 2000s of automatically granting protection to entire ethnic groups without a proper individual assessment.

3. Applications for protection and appeals lodged outside the national territory : removing the management of human distress from criminal mafias and smugglers. Establish access to international protection at Europe’s borders and, for us, on North African coasts and in the regions of origin of migratory flows. Reception and protection centers will be established in these areas, located in territories and countries deemed safe, internationally managed, including for a fair distribution. A clear distinction will be made between political persecution victims and war refugees on the one hand, and irregular migrants on the other. Binding contracts will be signed with countries willing to host these centers, in connection with diplomatic representations. These regional centers will host branches of the refugees office, and possibly dedicated judicial bodies, only competent to manage asylum procedures and appeal reviews for the region concerned. It is only after the effective recognition of protection status that beneficiaries will obtain the right to travel and enter Italy safely and legally — and in extremely limited numbers, proportionally negligible for the Italian population, which already records an unacceptable number of foreigners today.

4. Certification by military medical personnel : immigration management cannot be hostage to ideological visions or opaque practices; it must be firm, efficient, and institutionally transparent. The assessment and certification of health suitability for detention and repatriation will be entrusted exclusively to military medical personnel, trained to guarantee, by their status and training, even under exceptional pressure, the highest institutional rigor and immunity to external pressures or contrary ideological suggestions to repatriations, as well as to coercive or coercive threats. The health opinion should revert to a purely technical and objective assessment, protecting the person’s rights but on an objective basis, while safeguarding the State’s security prerogatives; by breaking bureaucratic paralysis and the tokens of compliance, a correct and efficient management of clandestine immigration will be ensured.

5. Mandatory medical examination for unaccompanied foreign minors (MENA). The foreign unaccompanied minor system has become a money racket. The audiological and radiographic medical examination must be immediate and mandatory: the State cannot rely solely on self-declaration by individuals who are apparently adults. Confusing truly vulnerable individuals with those who defraud the law makes us complicit with criminal organizations.

6. Management of MENA returns to prefectures. The issue of unaccompanied foreign minors, mostly adolescent boys aged 16–18, concerns public order and national security, not a burden to be offloaded onto municipalities. Management should fall under prefectures exclusively, with a unitary strategic vision that ends the burden on local budgets and restores more effective procedure traceability.

7. Re-establishing legality, fighting fraud, and immediate expulsions : zero tolerance toward irregular immigration. Futuro Nazionale rejects any ‘regularization’ of irregular stays and calls for simplified expulsion procedures and immediate repatriation for applicants already present whose requests have been rejected, using development aid as diplomatic leverage with home countries. A plan to build CPRs will be implemented in sufficient numbers, including abroad, to determine their territorial deployment and, above all, abroad.

8. Exclusion of automatic suspension of expulsion and jurisdictional recourse from home country or safe third country, with administrative and judicial procedure reform and accelerated repatriation procedures. To guarantee citizens’ safety and the certainty of penalties, government actions will overcome bureaucratic and procedural delays, removing automation that currently blocks expulsions. The cardinal principle should be that simply filing a court appeal against an expulsion measure does not suspend expulsion or its enforced execution. To suspend expulsion, a specific conservatory measure must be requested and expressly granted by a judge, and only if there are grave reasons (e.g., real, current risk of inhumane treatment). The foreign national’s legal rights remain fully guaranteed, including the possibility to pursue a judicial appeal from their home country after repatriation, with guaranteed protections.

9. Simplification and rejection of lax expulsions, with new grounds for expulsion measures. Far too often, the legitimate right to expel a criminal abroad is ignored once the legal process ends. The new normative framework must aim to eliminate discretionary margins that slow or block expulsion: a delinquent’s social danger should be presumed, excluding assessments of professional or social integration, and reducing protections tied to family considerations. In case of convictions for particularly grave offenses, expulsion will be carried out immediately, including derogating from family ties or the presence of minor children in the country. Automatic expulsion should also apply in case of repeated offenses, even for sentences shorter than two years, and for all non-intentional offenses for which arrest in flagrante delicto is mandatory. The obligation of automatic expulsion should be extended to a wider range of offenses, including those revealing a persistent social danger (offenses against persons and public administration, property crimes, organized crime, drug trafficking, etc.).

10. Incentives for assisted voluntary return and interventions in home countries to address root causes of departures. A one-off exceptional contribution (paid only when leaving the country) along with legal and logistical support will be provided to facilitate voluntary departure from Italy. The goal is both to reduce foreign presence in Italy and to preserve human dignity upon return, offering a concrete tool to prevent social marginalization in home countries and convert return into a real and lasting stabilization opportunity. Diplomatic, economic, and infrastructural cooperation with home countries will also be developed to address some root causes of migration.

11. End of “mass flux” decrees and limiting immigration to a restricted, conditioned number: immigration from non-EU countries will be strictly controlled, numerically capped, and contingent on qualitative criteria before entry (basic language skills, verified qualifications, and actual job offers). We will end mass flux decrees, such as the 2025 government decree which planned the entry of an additional half-million non-EU nationals in three years.

12. Facilitation of hiring Italian labor and a salary raise for “modest trades” : proponents of immigration often point to the problem of “trades Italians no longer want to do.” This real problem will be addressed in two new ways. First, by easing the hiring of Italian labor in sectors historically dominated by non-EU workers, and by using a portion of long-term remigration savings (direct social costs, incarceration costs, asylum-seeker management costs, crime and perimeter degradation, etc.) to reduce labor taxes and thereby raise wages without increasing employers’ costs. Second, by conditioning unemployment benefits on willingness to accept any job compatible with medical condition, age, and logistics, in line with the “economic principle of Saint Paul” described in the economic sections of the program.

13. Cultural discrimination in contingent regular immigration: entries intended to meet part of Italy’s productive needs will be highly contingent and conditioned on information provision and bilateral repatriation agreements in case of crime or job loss. They will also be selected according to cultural compatibility. Preference will be given to predominantly Christian countries with low crime propensity and with proven repatriation relationships. Respect for our civilization and assimilation is fostered by shared roots: reduced Christian immigration does not threaten our cultural unity, which today is primarily threatened by a mass Muslim invasion.

14. Dissuasion of choosing to emigrate to Italy: Italy is currently a true El Dorado for all, including criminals and idlers. Therefore, appropriate legal instruments (and possibly constitutional amendments) should be used to exclude non-Italian non-citizens from extraordinary social benefits — access to social housing, various subsidies, unemployment benefits that currently enable work/non-work cycles. Assistance for serious need remains guaranteed, such as medical aid for serious illness, but resources of a country that has long failed to preserve its demographic balance cannot serve the world’s needs. Every family father has a heavy responsibility to feed his own children before feeding those of others; with these policies Futuro Nazionale will reduce Italy’s attractiveness for migrants who have previously come and gone, relying on the massive benefits they know are guaranteed to them, at the expense of those who for generations have contributed to building the Italian social state.

15. End of family reunification : family reunification will no longer be considered a right for those who do not possess citizenship. Today in Europe, of 28 million non-EU residents, only 12 million have jobs, the remaining 16 million do not. Part of these are spouses and children of workers. These 16 million enjoy social costs such as healthcare, schooling, public integration, transportation, while the head of the family, being outside the tax system, does not contribute to the sustainability of public finances. Moreover, as explained, immigration is currently an emergency for Italy and the continent due to numbers, i.e., mass immigration and thus invasion. In normal conditions, it would be preferable that migration phenomena, if exceptional and numerically limited, involve stable family groups rather than uprooted individuals; but current conditions require opposite measures to ensure fair use of public resources and reduce the impact of mass immigration. Ending family reunification is therefore necessary to influence the presence of exotic populations in Italy. Exceptional family-reunion mechanisms could be considered only after several years of stay, proven rule compliance, adequate income to support one’s family, and substantial fiscal contribution (many immigrants outside the tax base).

16. Remigration of people in regular status according to the rotating-immigration model: remigration will be promoted as a return to the worker’s home country after several years of work in Italy, with the possibility of benefiting from saved savings, end-of-service benefits, and possibly a portion of social security contributions, to leave our country and return to their homeland with their acquired know-how and significant financial provisions to start a new venture. The worker will thus be incentivized to go back home, slowing the systematic impoverishment of many African and Eastern countries today deprived of their most important economic and social resource: young people of working age, moved to Italy and Europe to serve cultural and economic interests of the great capital that seeks to suppress wages without regard for long-term national well-being.

17. Tax incentives for Italians returning from abroad to productive age: consider the many Italian citizens in Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina — young families, people of productive age, Italians by bloodline (ius sanguinis). Futuro Nazionale will promote an immediate response to the demographic problem through a “remigration to Italy,” seeking to attract Italians abroad, while the demographic revival plan will address the issue structurally and long-term. (See the “Economic measures for the family” section.)

18. Beyond multiculturalism and a new assimilation paradigm: rejection of multicultural or intercultural models currently perceived as creating communities that reject, a priori, the values and principles of our society. Assimilation should become a compulsory path based on mastering the Italian language, respecting fundamental values, and economic self-sufficiency, with sanctions and revocation of residence permits for those who refuse to respect our civilization and our laws. Futuro Nazionale rejects cultural relativism that equates Italian, Christian, and Greco-Roman values with any imported custom. Respecting minorities and freedom of conscience, including tolerance for religions far from our history, the party asserts that a person living in Italy belongs to the Italian people only if they share its values and ideals. Practices strongly incompatible with our principles (e.g., genital mutilation or forced marriages) will not be accepted: a flexible, non-ideological limit must be identified beyond which unacceptable lines cannot be crossed. It is reaffirmed that anyone who comes to work in Italy will be respected, but will not automatically become Italian unless assimilated to Italy’s long-established values and principles. Policies of advanced multiculturalism, which have previously led to ethnic and cultural enclaves, are a failure and will not be practiced.

19. Data transparency on crime: combat crime linked to migratory phenomena and radical reform of statistics systems to guarantee total transparency on crime origins, beyond institutional omissions.

20. Reform of Italian citizenship: restore the true meaning of citizenship as belonging to a civilization, a history, and a people. Futuro Nazionale rejects ius soli (right of the soil) and ius scholae (right of schooling). To apply for Italian citizenship, one must have resided regularly for at least twenty years, demonstrate spoken and written Italian at level C1, have no criminal convictions, and sign a declaration of assimilation to Greco-Roman-Christian civilization.

21. Reform of the revocation of citizenship: Futuro Nazionale proposes extending naturalization revocation legislation, with any violent crime against person or society recognized as a post-conviction reason to reassess whether the person was truly assimilated. Thus, even a naturalized citizen could be remigrated through repatriation pursuant to revocation of citizenship.

22. Offenses by European Union citizens: for EU citizens who commit crimes on national territory, the government will take determined action through an expansive interpretation of the notion of “serious public order or security concerns.” Criminal behaviors that threaten immediate expulsion will be defined and qualified by law.

These measures will gradually bring Italy back to an exceptional and contingent presence of non-Italians on national soil, restoring safety, the unity of the people, and ending alienation and uprooting phenomena for both hosts and the resident population. Immigration from non-EU countries will be an exception practiced only in limited cases of non-fulfillable internal employment needs or allowed by internal European flows, and for professionals with qualifying degrees, identified by employer requests. The presence of foreign workers will be subject to discrimination criteria and cultural compatibility, to international agreements with their home countries, and to respect for our laws and values — in any case in extremely limited numbers and with minimal social impact. Before entry, the possession of certified qualifications, adequate language skills, and a job offer will be verified. The right to residence will be guaranteed for third-country nationals who completed their university studies in Italian universities and, as graduates, work in our country. The power to determine the quality and quantity of entries remains an essential expression of national sovereignty and must be restored to Italy without subordination to external decision-makers, be they public or private.

6— Affaires étrangères, UE, géopolitique, souveraineté, coopération internationale

Our model of international relations. In foreign policy, Futuro Nazionale takes as its first objective and action criterion the defense of sovereignty and national interest, applied to the context of international relations and alliances. Italy must regain an authoritative voice in the world as a nation, without inferiority complexes and without passively bending to directives from outside when those directives conflict with the Nation’s welfare and our fundamental view of reality, justice, and natural law. The party draws on an autonomous and flexible, though not isolationist, foreign policy vision, in which Italy acts as a protagonist, first in the Mediterranean and European space, defending its strategic, economic, and cultural interests. The international-relations model has certainly changed throughout modern times, and understanding the transformation pattern is essential to grasp the flexible, realistic, and determined stance Futuro Nazionale adopts; from this perspective, individual foreign-policy positions — including future scenarios — must be inferred and interpreted. The transformation has moved from the traditional model of the Holy Roman Christian Empire’s guarantee (and perhaps a katechon — a power that checks disorder and dissolution — according to Saint John Chrysostom) of Christendom against its dissolving tendencies, toward the Westphalian peace model of sovereign nations without a higher arbitration authority, then to the Cold War model structured around a global opposition between two great powers and centers of gravity in a unipolar world dominated by the United States, marked by Fukuyama’s “end of history” (in two versions: conservative, where a primarily economic dominance remains liberal-democratic but without exporting a progressive agenda, and multilateral, where the American administration and international bodies act as guardians of civil rights worldwide) — up to the current multipolar world model with regional spheres of influence (nine, according to Huntington’s widely cited scheme, later reinterpreted by many geostrategists, including in the East, Alexander Dugin).

If the traditional model of the Roman-Christian Empire, which has a theoretical basis and some appeal, is not realistically doable today — simply because the analogous hierarchical bodies are often configured as an anti-Empire (consider the European Union, which undermines Christian identity and the specifics of peoples and nations, appearing as a relativist and centralizing mimicry of the traditional Empire) —, preserving sovereign nations remains a noble form of resistance to globalist dissolution in a context very different from Westphalia’s, where dissolution came from local princes. A defense of sovereignty, while recognizing the natural law reason and Christian tradition, cannot rely on any supranational guarantor now. The United States has shown signs of challenge to international cooperation models under the current presidency of Trump, notably toward UN, WHO, and even NATO. The Trump model seeks to frame a unique interpretation of multipolar world order and to experiment with new possible global equilibria, albeit with hesitations and contradictions. While the America First footprint pushes Trump to detach from the role of world gendarme and to focus on national interests, the Iran operation showed the resilience of older foreign-policy doctrines, albeit with a contradictory exception in relations with Israel’s immediate demands. Actions such as asserting influence over Greenland or intervention in Venezuela lie on an intermediate line, described by some as the Donroe doctrine, combining elements of America First with influential regional power spheres rather than global. Futuro Nazionale sees a great opportunity in reviving the America First foreign policy line under Trump’s administration, while monitoring with concern and condemning actions like the strike on the Iranian Republic, which puzzled much of the diplomatic and cultural world surrounding Trump, and which led to Joe Kent’s resignation as U.S. anti-terror chief. If the traditional imperial model is inapplicable and if Westphalia’s deterring effect remains, the present political, logistical, economic, and technological context requires a global vision of international relations. Therefore, while we reject a unipolar American world, we also see the multipolar model finding a more stable configuration, moving out of the gestation phase that for roughly thirty years has seen it struggle for cognitive, political, and diplomatic recognition against the two versions of the unipolar model. Paul Wolfowitz and Zbigniew Brzezinski’s strategy aiming to prevent a multipolar world and to hinder the rise of autonomous powers — even regional ones — has suffered serious setbacks under the Trump administration.

That is, to understand where Italy might position itself in this new scenario. In Huntington’s framework, European countries were broadly classified as part of the “Western world” without much distinction; the United States’ new stance poses new challenges. In April 2025, U.S. Vice President J. D. Vance stated, “I do not think a more independent Europe is a bad thing for the United States.” But Italy must now deal with the fact that the European Union presents itself as a subject wholly opposed to our country’s interests and to a new line of American cultural policy (decarbonization, inclusion of abortion among fundamental rights, military spending for Ukraine, and willingness to waive budgetary exemptions for demographic policies). In such a scenario, Europe’s greater independence must be translated into sovereign nations’ protagonism, not through the EU’s filtering, which has paradoxically been the best economic ally of the United States, which despises incompetence but accepts deal-making.

Hence, in Futuro Nazionale’s vision, Italy must regain sovereignty, with a strong sense of its autonomy, seizing a historic opportunity that may not present itself again, engaging directly with the U.S. administration, without going through the EU presidency’s mediation — which the center-right government has aligned with. We will engage America standing up, pursuing national interests, focusing on Italy’s real needs rather than a green transition or the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. This historic moment also offers a resurgence of a historical Italian vocation: mediation and dialogue with all relevant players, a hallmark of Italian diplomacy since the First and Second Republic when the Allied victory in World War II seemed still close. If we reflect on Giulio Andreotti’s complex approach to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Silvio Berlusconi’s mediation between Russia and the United States, and Bettino Craxi’s sophisticated diplomacy, one can see how—and beyond party lines—the Italian political culture is capable of cooperative approaches that do not imply the unipolar hegemony of a single power. We must be able to dialogue with all possible international partners — consider, for example, the importance of reopening channels with the Russian Federation for energy costs and European energy security concerns, as well as for Western interests facing closer ties between Russia and China, promoted by confrontation policies of the EU and the Biden administration (rooted in Wolfowitz and Brzezinski’s old doctrines) to which the Italian government had too quickly aligned. Cooperation should be flexible, variable and without preconceptions — except for defending national interests — but the closest form of cooperation for building a regional identity that can weigh more in the global arena can also rely on the convergence of values that Italy shares with Central European countries, such as Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Austria, and Poland. These countries have a Christian-rooted history and identity, culturally distant from both the Russian East and the Western Anglo-American and Franco-American models, and today appear more reactive to the globalist agenda, woke ideology, and EU impositions. Italy should not adopt simplistic positions that label it “pro-American” or “pro-Russian,” but by engaging with all while preserving sovereignty within historic alliances could favor a deepening of a new European cooperation among sovereign nations, a credible alternative to the EU. On the other hand, in the fight against the “Muslim invasion,” these countries seem better placed to resist and reverse demographic substitution, as they have longer histories of direct contact with Ottoman invasions and thus possess cultural immune responses.

Thus, in light of historical reconstruction and the present moment’s complexity — a period of major transitions in world diplomacy — Futuro Nazionale’s foreign policy orientation is designed to place national interest at the center of action and, with realism, to turn this principle into a practical reality rather than just a political slogan. The historical moment is extremely favorable. Some highlights of foreign policy orientation, complementary or more detailed than the above framework, are as follows:

• Centrality of national interest in alliances : Futuro Nazionale requires that, in the framework of treaties, alliances, and international bodies (NATO, the European Union, relations with the United States), Italy assert its own rationale. Italy will evaluate engagement case by case, even within the framework of the Atlantic Alliance. For example, Italy must clearly reject NATO’s expansive, even offensive, strategy and re-adopt analyses of George Kennan’s containment policy and, more recently, John Mearsheimer’s scenario assessments (University of Chicago) that could have avoided the disaster of Russia’s military operation in Ukraine. NATO must remain a defensive alliance and should not undermine international balance by increasing tensions between states and blocs. Moreover, we reject the policy of “exporting democracy” by force. Our country’s political sovereignty should also consider the possibility of withdrawing from international treaties, including the North Atlantic Treaty (founder of NATO), and no topic should be considered taboo. Strategic interests, positioning, scenarios, and ultimately the national interest must determine whether to stay in alliance frameworks that are still the most natural for our country, with Italy playing a role of improvement and vigilance — not the other way around.
• Ukraine scenario. On the Ukraine conflict, Futuro Nazionale’s position is clear: continuing to ship weapons indefinitely without a genuine peace diplomacy harms Italy and, more broadly, Ukrainians and Russians by prolonging a war scenario. Futuro Nazionale will promote a pragmatic and pacific approach, working primarily toward a negotiated solution. We believe Italy’s interest is to avoid military escalation, focusing on diplomacy and protecting the economy harmed by sanctions. In NATO and EU forums, Italy must act firmly, only accepting what genuinely benefits Italy and the reasonable development of the international context, opposing unreasonable demands and prioritizing the mediator role of the Holy See, a globally respected diplomatic and moral authority that can serve as a strong reference point for Italy’s evolving foreign policy stance (see “Italy Strategy” in this chapter for details).
• Middle East scenario. The trigger for most flashpoints: the Holy Land. Futuro Nazionale considers that today the key and powder-keg of most instabilities (Iran and Lebanon) is the Israeli-Palestinian problem, now entrenched and difficult to resolve due to hardening diplomatic and military strategies since 1948 and, from 1956 to the Abraham Accords, which have reshaped the region’s geography, sociology, and religion (Syria, Egypt, Jordan) where the Jewish state was born, while the Palestinian state struggles to form, notably due to the difficulty in defining essential statutory elements such as borders and legitimate political representation (which cannot be Hamas). Syria has recently undergone a revolutionary shift: under the presidency of Abu Mohammed al-Joulani, a former Al-Qaida militiaman, Syria, a Shiite country orbiting Iran, has become Sunni and anti-Iranian, aligning with the Muslim Brotherhood. Some observers point to Israeli-Israeli and aggressive moves and possible informal secret agreements to ensure immunity from strikes. In this context, Russian Federation involvement is essential; until two years ago, Russia and the United States were crucial actors balancing the region’s dynamics (Israel, Syria, Palestinian Authority, Egypt), with indirect influence on other states (Iraq and Iran) and pro-Palestinian organizations. The “two states for two peoples at definitive borders” principle now seems more unattainable than ever because of reciprocal hardening of Iran and Israel and the substantial indifference of Sunni Arab states toward the Palestinian cause, treated as a convenient instrument to calm internal fronts. Currently, the goal of two states for two peoples cannot be achieved by exclusively relying on the Israel-Saudi-American Abraham Accords alliance. Signs of new gradual repositioning are emerging: for example, during the ongoing crisis on the Iranian front, the Islamic Republic avoided striking the United Arab Emirates, and some observers have spoken of informal, secret agreements ensuring immunity. In response to all this, a discerning foreign policy aiming to protect Italy’s national interests and promoting a realistic peace that can eventually realize the Oslo Accords (Bigi Rabin and Arafat, 1993) must avoid partisanship and rely on the broad involvement of all regional players, without ideological or strategic bias. It must involve direct actors (including resolving questions about representative Palestinian interlocutors) and influential players — the United States, the Russian Federation, and the Islamic Republic of Iran — without which any agreement would be breached, threatened, or void. In the meantime, we must curb tendencies toward further escalation and violations. The regional security is at risk due to Hamas’s 7 October 2023 terrorist attack and Israel’s disproportionate response, which caused unacceptable civilian massacres that often affected women and children. We share Israel’s concerns about U.S. involvement of Qatar in the “Board of Peace”: to respect Italy and the Christian West, we should acknowledge that Qatar is a significant partner of the Muslim Brotherhood, possibly assisting the invasion of Italy and Europe. Jerusalem, a holy city for three religions and thus subject to intense tensions and risk of rapid escalation, should not fall under exclusive Jewish or Muslim control; Jerusalem-East, including the Temple Mount, should be Palestinian-controlled, while Jerusalem-West remains under Israeli control. If Pope Pius XII suggested in 1949 that a “international regime” be established in Jerusalem to safeguard the Holy City, a truly immunized regime remains difficult to achieve today; it remains crucial to preserve the Pope’s role and ensure one of the world’s most sensitive zones does not become a trigger for catastrophic conflicts. We also note with concern some Jewish and Protestant Christian factions’ calls to destroy the Great Mosque of Jerusalem to rebuild Solomon’s Temple; a secular, neutral approach is needed to avoid a world-scale conflict. Moreover, Christian roots of Italy and Europe should safeguard against fundamentalist eschatologies, which Christian culture has long warned against. Jerusalem must remain as it is, while the rest of the ancient “Province of Palestine” should experience a territorial distribution respecting the Oslo accords and ensuring a lasting peace. It is also essential for Italy to bring onto the international agenda the defense and protection of Christian communities in these territories, which have suffered from both Muslim and Israeli sides.
  • Middle East scenario. The US-Iran conflict. Futuro Nazionale condemns the open hostilities launched by the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran in 2026 as contrary to Italy’s national interest and, more broadly, to European peoples’ interests. Christianity’s critical view of Islam should not authorize religious wars across the world; Western political philosophy has always recognized international law’s legitimacy, even with populations of different religions, and has limited war to well-defined cases of danger, defensive response, proportionality, and prospects for improvement. For these reasons, we reject war as a means to export democracy: democracy, according to classic Western philosophy, can assume healthy or pathological forms (consider Hitler’s democratic victory) and has historically coexisted with other government options such as monarchy, aristocracy, and mixed systems. Europe’s European governments above all, conservatives and liberal democrats alike, have often chosen mass democracy; decisions to bomb all regions with different political traditions cannot be justified. We oppose a relativist or nihilist political stance. Iran has a rich and deep culture and high literacy rates — with women obtaining more degrees than men — and religious freedom for Christian communities is better respected than in Saudi Arabia, for example. Despite serious problems, these do not reach the alert level that would justify intervention. While Qatar has ties with the Muslim Brotherhood enabling its Islamization of Europe, many assume Iran bears no such threat. Moreover, at the start of U.S. military actions, the anti-terrorism chief Joe Kent resigned, asserting that U.S. intelligence did not justify the attack. We think Western states should return to defending their own interests and values, avoiding crusading rhetoric and the demands of the Israeli state. Perhaps the United States pursued specific economic interests; nonetheless, Italian interests were severely compromised by this intervention.
  • Italy’s strategy: diplomatic path for an Italy protagonist, faithful to its historical vocation and immune to interventionist temptations. Italy can and should re-emerge as a central voice in resolving international conflicts, without militarily acting against its own interests and values, by reestablishing dialog with the Holy See — which is the “country of the Papacy,” or at least includes Vatican City, and the Holy See is one of the world’s principal diplomatic actors with direct information channels and moral authority. On Iran and Palestine, the Holy See has demonstrated a balancing approach similar to Futuro Nazionale’s positions. Italy should leverage this relationship to strengthen its international influence while enabling the Church to have a constructive role in preventing further wars under false narratives.
  • Critical stance toward the European Union and sovereign redefinition of relations with it. Futuro Nazionale expresses a critical view of current EU policies, characterized by bureaucratic and ideological directions, under a secular-social-democratic, nihilist, relativist, and dirigist elite that harms true competitiveness and the Christian roots of Europe, and thus of Italy. We contest, for instance, the rigidity of directives like the Green Deal, which have deindustrialized the continent, or the complex management of funds and budget constraints that penalize Italy for too long by denying unnecessary spending while refusing derogations needed to address demographic and migratory crises. Futuro Nazionale does not propose leaving the EU as a first policy instrument; instead it seeks sovereignly to redefine the EU’s contours via a profound revision of the Union and its criteria for membership: more subsidiarity, fewer absurd constraints, protection of national identities. Concretely, Futuro Nazionale may demand: revision of economic treaties or their implementation where they limit spending freedom on productive investments; a European trade policy for continentally strategic production (ending unfair competition and offshoring); effective management of external borders (to stop illegal immigration, as detailed above); respect for democratically decided fiscal and social policies by member countries (no interference on taxation, fiscal currency, or other matters). Futuro Nazionale is prepared to veto EU Council norms that run counter to essential national interests and to form alliances with other countries for a “Europe of homelands,” a more balanced union. Crucially, it is essential to explicitly reconnect Christian roots as Europe’s founding heritage in collaboration with other European nations. Demographic, value, and social cohesion crises cannot be tackled by monetary policies that mask the adoption of precise ideological frames, which no treaty authorizes. In today’s European Union, which applies an inverted federation (as argued by Altiero Spinelli), with competencies of sovereign states transferred to the euro-empire, we prefer the earlier European Community framework (the EEC) as a possible historical reference point, though already weakened by Maastricht and Lisbon treaties and by euro-system membership. An Europe focused on economic collaboration and a political realm of cooperation between sovereign countries choosing to return to their roots — championing Spanish Reconquista, Italian regional heroism, and resilience of Greeks against expansionism — would be a positive path.
  • Monetary sovereignty: methodologically, a sovereign state should decide monetary policy and treaty revisions. Italy’s path toward the euro since the late 1990s and the “divorce” between the Bank of Italy and the Treasury in 1981 ultimately impoverished the nation’s economic power and purchasing power. The euro has some positive effects (e.g., preventing currency speculation such as Soros against the lira in 1992, and lower import costs), but these do not compensate for the loss of external price flexibility and the long-term loss of competitiveness, while distortions in debt dynamics and speculative pressure on Italian debt markets persisted. The possibility of exiting the euro should be considered carefully, balancing macroeconomic stability with potential negative consequences in the short term on key sectors. Futuro Nazionale asserts national monetary sovereignty and a pragmatic, non-ideological evaluation of all aspects, remaining open to remaining in the euro area while redefining monetary policy contours, or exiting under conditions that maximize national interests, protect businesses and jobs, and preserve household purchasing power.
  • Relations with major non-European powers : a multipolar world demands a balance between cooperation with the USA, Russia, China, and other powers. Futuro Nazionale defends Italy’s role as a sovereign actor with a strong, independent foreign policy that remains open to dialogue with all, while respecting traditional alliances. With the United States, beyond historical ties and alliance, new bilateral, equitable, and non-medial relations should be built: economic cooperation (beginning with Italian exports to the United States), technological collaboration, and defense strategy — provided it respects Italy’s chain of command and political sovereignty — and convergences on stabilizing critical zones (Mediterranean, Middle East). It also calls for a tempered approach to Russia, respecting international law: the goal is a peace in Ukraine that allows normal diplomatic and commercial relations with Moscow, including access to low-cost energy from Russia. Europe must, as a rule, “make peace” rather than fuel war. With China, a cautious approach is required: China is a major economic, financial, and logistical actor, but a shared approach among Western sovereign states, Central European and Eastern Christian countries, should be pursued to avoid over-dependence (including technological). Italy will protect its strategic assets (with Golden Power instruments) against hostile acquisitions and remain open to protectionist policies and tariffs in response to unfair competition that harms its national interest. Trump’s presidency showed that tariff policy is not completely outdated and can be a valid instrument in specific circumstances, so it is essential not to embark on unusual policies without credible short, medium, and long-term strategic analyses.
  • Role in the Mediterranean and partnership with the Global South: Futuro Nazionale considers Italy a Mediterranean power by geography and history. Foreign policy should become active in the Mare Nostrum: privileged relations with southern shore countries (the Middle East and North Africa) to manage and resolve migratory and security issues, mutual energy and trade agreements, support for regional stability (e.g., Libya), and to strengthen the European Mediterranean platform for investments and border control. A Mediterranean Plan at European scale would be led by Italy as a flagship, with SPG+ funding principles in play from 2027. It also proposes increasing Italy’s diplomatic and cultural presence in the Global South (Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America) to create opportunities for Italian companies and to export Italian language and culture as instruments of soft power. In this perspective, development cooperation would be reinforced but oriented toward tangible outcomes like curbing migratory flows, and humanitarian missions by our armed forces could be considered in cases of grave violations of natural law (e.g., systemic violence against Christian communities or mass killings). This would reinforce Italy’s military prestige and make it a key actor in defending a Roman-Christian worldview, while avoiding the export of our own models to appease economic interests that do not respect sovereignty. The philosophy draws on Greek and Christian tradition: we do not see it as a violation of natural law to accept different political constitutions than liberal democracy; there is no justification for wars of “exporting democracy.”
  • Regions and crisis zones : Italy must consolidate its role as a Mediterranean power by strengthening cooperation with Mediterranean, Balkan, and African countries to ensure stability, security, and energy. Diversifying energy supply and securing supplies are strategic priorities, as are protecting critical infrastructures (including BlueMed and GreenMed fiber networks).
  • Defense of Italian identity worldwide: It is essential to cultivate ties with Italian expatriate communities and project Italian culture globally. The party intends to improve consular services for Italians abroad, facilitate return with tax incentives that become revenue sources rather than costs, and support Italian language dissemination via cultural institutes and abroad reading rooms — all to maintain and strengthen the “Italian way of life” as a civilizational reference, benefiting tourism and Italy’s soft power.

  In summary, Futuro Nazionale offers a realistic and patriotic foreign policy: friendship with those who respect us, firmness with those who harm us, pragmatism in every dossier. Italy must again assert its weight and its indispensable geopolitical and geostrategic position by reorganizing its internal order to better reflect its history and specificity. This is where the Roman Empire was born, where the Mediterranean was unified under our civilization, where the Holy Roman Emperors were crowned to defend Europe’s ancient heart; this Rome, the body of the Christian soul, “whose Christ is Roman” (to borrow Dante’s words), is the land where Italy’s force and influence can and must reemerge in the contemporary world. The party will work to ensure Italy’s authority in Europe and the world, with a flexible, diplomatically capable posture, faithful to its own history and capable of choosing based on its own values and national interest.

  

  

  7— Sécurité

  Futuro Nazionale wants a State that protects honest citizens, enforces legality on its territory, restores authority to institutions, and prevents the excesses of formal guarantees from generating de facto impunity. Freedom does not thrive in disorder: it is not simply arbitrary action, but the fruit of rightly done. Rights are real only where the State does not retreat, where neighborhoods are not left to crime, where the attacker contemplates risk knowing the public apparatus is slow, uncertain, and often paralyzed by fear of intervention. For Futuro Nazionale, security is not a slogan of urgent action but a fundamental right of citizens and a prerequisite of social life. There is no freedom without order, no justice without effective penalties, no sovereignty without territorial control, and no State authority if that authority is left alone to face violence, legative erosion, and judicial risk. On this basis, Futuro Nazionale intends to implement a security policy through an organic set of legislative, administrative, and institutional interventions. In urban security, the program rebuilds the State’s presence with empowered municipal police, stronger law enforcement, proximity policing, anti-degradation plans, and a new model of combating diffuse crime. One of the starting innovations is to revise the proportionality principle in self-defense: the aggressor who harms property and persons bears responsibility for the reaction, which, even if objectively disproportionate in weaponry or other factors, should not be punishable if exercised immediately after the assault. Some detailed proposals:

  The Futuro Nazionale doctrine on self-defense. Futuro Nazionale strongly supports the broad right to self-defense, arguing that, in the complexity of defensive situations, the moral philosophy of inner conviction cannot simply be superimposed onto penal law (external law). The reference principle is clear: when home space or workplace is violated, proportionality of the reaction should be presumed verified. Although European classical theory (moral philosophy and Christian legal philosophy) provides criteria of proportion, immediacy, and necessity for defense, in emergency situations the injured person may not have time for complicated moral reasoning, and alternative proportionately better options may be missing: in extremis extrema sunt tenenda, in extreme cases one must adopt extreme behavior. The person’s diminished clarity is attributable to the provocation of home or workplace invasion. Moreover, for Futuro Nazionale, defense of material goods earned through a life of sacrifice and work constitutes a proportionate response to using force to prevent loss, given that these goods are of non-negligible value. The person, following natural law, has the right to defend themselves against unjust removal of economic resources, and the intruder who endangers their life through crime cannot justify the denial of rightful defense of property. This doctrine of proportionality is a traditional element, supported by centuries of Christian moral theology, before being forgotten in recent decades as the distinction between inner motive and external behavior was blurred. Futuro Nazionale recognizes that the monopoly on vengeance (i.e., criminal justice imposing punishment) belongs to the State, and that citizens cannot punish criminals. Yet in defending life and valuable goods, action can occur beyond the home’s threshold in immediate circumstances, not to punish but to protect from danger or recover property. When non-trivial violence or weapon threats have been used, even with the assailant’s withdrawal or flight, an invincible fear or anger should be presumed, allowing conscience and inner judgment to determine whether the passion fully disabled rational free will. As is known, criminal law should best aim for clarity in fact qualification, avoiding overreliance on subjective internal factors; where necessary, objective considerations should be used. Compensation to the aggressor should be excluded in cases of self-defense as codified, and in cases of disproportionate defense outside the home, as outlined in article 55 of the Penal Code. The doctrinal elements above will be weighed and adapted through legislative proposals depending on parliamentary opportunities and strategies to achieve the concrete Italian goal: ensure that the positive norm on self-defense (Articles 52 and 55) restores the natural-law and justice elements.

  The party also intends to strengthen the presence of law enforcement and, with appropriate regulatory adjustments, soldiers on the territory, especially in the most sensitive urban zones, including targeted recruitment and better equipment. Everyday safety for citizens — in streets, neighborhoods, and public transport — is a priority and must be guaranteed by a dense presence, preventive action, and a firm stance against crime.

  Zero tolerance for crime and diffuse illegality. It is necessary to impose harsher penalties for serious, violent crimes, predatory crimes, and crimes linked to organized crime. We will not allow repeat offenders to dodge prison, be released early, or benefit from alternative measures. Legislative tools will be promoted to ensure that those who commit wrongdoing pay the price, without undue leniency or relativism: for example, enhanced penalties for those who attack the police or tear through cities (as in urban riots), and revision of mechanisms that today release perpetrators of serious violence within hours, even in flagrante delicto and risk of repetition.

  Maximum protection for law enforcement : Futuro Nazionale aims to clearly affirm that police and military personnel engaged in public-order missions represent the State’s authority and must operate under legal and operational conditions guaranteeing their full protection. In this regard, it proposes coherent engagement rules aligned with prevention and containment requirements, ensuring officers have adequate physical and legal protection, and extending necessary legal qualifications to military units or other forces deployed in public-safety activities to enable them to arrest criminals and carry out other activities permitted to police.

  Reform of Article 53 of the Penal Code and the legitimate use of force. Futuro Nazionale supports revising Article 53 of the Penal Code to clarify and strengthen the legitimacy of using weapons by agents who are subjected to aggression or violence while performing their duties. The current regulation, in its text and application, often ends up turning the police officer into a subject exposed to retrospective judgments, far from the urgency of operational decisions. The risk is to paralyze public action, with officers fearing judicial consequences of their actions more than the danger posed by criminals. The goal is to recognize that an attack on a public officer constitutes an attack on the State and the community, and consequently the defensive reaction should not be evaluated according to interpretive schemes that expose the responder to undue risks or paralyzing uncertainties. In that framework, the reform aims to redefine the criteria for applying the proportionality requirement, valuing preventive protection of the officer’s physical integrity and the necessity to restore public order, respecting constitutional principles and judicial control (which should no longer entail the costs borne by personnel for defense and the aggravation implied by automatic registration in the criminal suspect database or the 45-bis preliminary annotation in the center-right’s regulatory approach, which proved to be a nominal operation). The objective is to guarantee law-enforcement officers normative conditions that allow rapid, effective, and safe interventions, while strengthening the credibility of public action and citizens’ trust in the State’s ability to defend rights and the community.

  Flight from controls, pursuits, and vehicle stops. Futuro Nazionale regards the phenomenon of fleeing from checkpoints and dangerous pursuits as especially serious. A person who does not stop at the order of authorities and flees, endangering citizens, pedestrians, motorists, and public officials, does not commit a simple offense but a direct assault on collective security. Therefore, Futuro Nazionale calls for a specific regulation allowing public-safety officers, when pursuing fleeing vehicles, to execute the necessary maneuvers to stop the vehicle, including restraint, contact, or controlled collision, when these do not pose a greater danger to public safety. These actions, if performed in the line of duty and according to operational criteria, should be evaluated based on information available to the officer at the moment of intervention, considering urgency, agitation, and the need to decide in moments. Post-event reconstructions attempting to apply judicial calm ex post must be excluded. Protection of third parties remains guaranteed, but the officer should not pay the legal price for dangerous situations created by the fugitive.

  Territory control and use of armed forces in zones of high criminal complexity. Futuro Nazionale believes that in some areas of the national territory crime, whether organized or diffuse, has taken forms that compromise the State’s effective control. In these contexts, a one-off intervention or a few hours-long policing operation is insufficient: a global strategy to reclaim, monitor, and rebuild legality is required, adopting the Shape, Clear, Hold and Build model. Futuro Nazionale thus proposes an organic regulation for employing the armed forces in support of police, under civilian supervision, in zones of high criminal complexity. The aim is not to militarize internal security but to provide the State with an ad hoc, bounded, and time-limited instrument of security in extraordinary circumstances. The strategic direction remains with the government and the prefect; routine public safety and judicial police activities remain under police and judicial authorities. The military’s role must be time-limited and geographically bounded and purposeful. The four-phase model includes: analysis and intervention preparation, zone cleanup, territory control, and restoration of ordinary legality. The armed forces, in this framework, do not replace the police or judiciary but provide a framework of security, logistical capacity, territorial presence, and operational support enabling ordinary bodies to perform their functions more effectively.

  Intense enforcement of investigations and false police statements. Futuro Nazionale aims to strengthen the sincerity of preliminary investigations and the protection of procedural truth. The current legal order reveals a flaw: it punishes false information given to the prosecutor and to the defense attorney in the context of investigative defense, but does not regulate false statements or omissions made to the judiciary. This is a clear contradiction, as the judiciary is the primary information-gathering body in the early phase of a case. Allowing false statements to be made without consequences undermines the process of establishing truth, fosters diversion, wastes public resources, and undermines the efficacy of criminal action. Futuro Nazionale therefore proposes revising Article 371-bis of the Penal Code, extending penalties for false information to statements made to the judiciary, while respecting the right of defense and the European principle nemo tenetur se detegere (no one is obliged to testify against themselves). This norm applies to those who, not being implicated and lacking the right to invoke right to silence, deliberately hinder justice by lying or withholding what they know.

  Drugs crackdown and certainty of penal response. Futuro Nazionale regards drug trafficking as a major factor in anthropological and urban degradation, crime financing, and youth disintegration. The program proposes a rigorous revision of sanctions to overcome application uncertainties and disparities; even the personal-use category and various mitigating circumstances currently shield street-level trafficking, a diffuse sale of death. The objective is to ensure a certain criminal penalty for drug trafficking, standardize trafficking qualifications, strengthen mandatory arrest in flagrante delicto, and introduce clearer criteria to presume trafficking when quantities exceed thresholds or packaging is inconsistent with personal use. On personal use, a deeper analysis is required: no right exists to buy substances whose sale is prohibited and which poison citizens’ health. The basic goal is to protect the health of all while recognizing the public-health necessity to act decisively against drug trade and distribution. Futuro Nazionale rejects establishing the drug war as a policy of moralistic crusades or populist rhetoric. The focus is on protecting the social fabric and public order, while respecting human dignity.

  Lutte contre la criminalité organisée. The only measure capable of truly dismantling mafia organizations is the systematic seizure of illicit assets: stronger normative rules, rigorous application of asset-prevention measures, digitization, and operational coordination to trace organized crime’s financial networks and the actors involved. The dismantling of these social centers, especially occupations, that serve as logistic bases for subversive crimes is also planned.

  Units with canine specialization, specialized tools, and operational capacities Futuro Nazionale seeks to maximize the specialized capabilities of the police, armed forces, firefighters, and civil protection. Security is not achieved solely by harsher criminal penalties but also via appropriate technical instruments, training, equipment, protocols, and professional standards. Futuro Nazionale supports regulations enabling training and ongoing operational readiness of canine units for narcotics, for cadavers, for human remains, and for blood traces. The current regulatory gap governing these roles risks undermining the effectiveness of highly skilled services, forcing officers to rely on foreign training and reducing the operational and evidentiary value of investigative activities. The reform will provide traceability, health controls, respect for human dignity, authorizations, national registers, and clear regulatory procedures. The objective is to equip the State with modern, reliable tools for investigations, rescue, missing-person searches, judicial findings, and emergency management. Futuro Nazionale also supports equipping town mayors’ police with canine units for drug control, with special emphasis on schools and sensitive areas.

  Illegal occupations, urban degradation and daily security. Futuro Nazionale regards illegal occupations, urban degradation, and no-go zones as direct violations of property rights, citizen safety, and State authority. Occupying buildings, coercive housing enforcement, illegal utility hookups, or creating zones beyond common rules cannot be justified. Swift eviction procedures will be implemented, with robust protection for property owners, heavy penalties for illegal connections or alias identities, and coordinated actions between law enforcement, local authorities, and the judiciary. The State must assist those in need, but cannot reward those who break the law or usurp private or public property for illegitimate use.

  Baby gangs : We witness a progressive deterioration of urban security, largely due to uncontrolled migration, which has fostered social marginalization and diffuse crime, especially among minors. In most major cities, lack of effective oversight and lax migration policies have given birth to real “baby gangs,” mainly composed of foreign minors and youths. These groups pose not only violent crime but also attempt to exercise de facto control over parts of historic neighborhoods and peripheral areas. We confront intolerable attempts to seize territory, with the State appearing to retreat while these bands seek to impose their rules through violence and intimidation, creating fiefdoms beyond the law. Daily life confirms a dramatic reality, with horrifying violence and gender-based crimes increasingly reported. We must defend women’s dignity and safety in our country. Policy responses will include enforcing regular juvenile accountability for serious crimes, while lowering absolute criminal responsibility thresholds for minors. Financial penalties and mandatory programs with social services for parents who fail to exercise proper authority will be introduced. For cleaning up gang-dominated zones, models such as those described for military involvement in public security will be used.

  Zero tolerance on predatory crimes and urban decay, with mayoral tools. Futuro Nazionale supports continuing the normative path that, over the past decade, has empowered mayors as the closest interface with citizens in emergency security management via the “Daspo” urban (ban from certain areas) with extended or strict application depending on crime types and zones, with return bans up to five years. Red zones with ongoing police and military presence. Cities must return to the State and to honest citizens. Futuro Nazionale seeks an Italy where legality and freedom coexist, where the honest citizen is protected by the State and not hindered by it. An Italy where criminals, whether isolated or organized, know there is no escape from firm law enforcement. Security, for our movement, is a fundamental right of Italians that the State must guarantee by all lawful means, without hesitation, ideological obstacles, or protecting enemies of civil order instead of citizens.

  8— Justice

  The issue of justice is linked to security and is treated by Futuro Nazionale in its dual sense: protection of public safety (by isolating criminals) and justice system fairness. The party believes in a State that guarantees order, legality, and effective protection of freedoms, ending impunity and no-go zones. Our approach centers on the principle “the law is the same for everyone,” with no preferential treatment or mitigating circumstances: a crime is equally serious regardless of the offender’s sex, wealth, race, or sexual orientation. In recent years, an ideological culture has pursued a “new common sense” to redefine criminal law by framing crimes by victims’ attributes (e.g., femicide, homophobia) to encourage a cultural shift and legal specialization. For us, criminal law should not be oriented by ideological categories; we propose a comprehensive and deep reform at all levels: security, judiciary, trials, digitization, prisons, private-property protection, anti-organized-crime measures, lawyers’ support, minor protection, corporate crisis, execution of sentences, mediation, and prescription. This reform is not merely corrective but reconstructive, with the aim of restoring to citizens a cutting-edge, rapid, transparent, legitimate, and fully functional justice. A justice system that is not a liability but an ally. A justice that is not a labyrinth but a guarantee. A justice that is not a privilege but a true implementation of law, the ius: id quod iustum est, what is just. In the face of social instability and evolving criminal threats, from micro-crime to transnational networks, up to the alarming rise in brutality among youth, façade reforms or provisional solutions are no longer sufficient. A radical structural paradigm shift capable of placing the inviolability of order and the efficacy of law at the center of public doctrine is necessary. The Italian judiciary today is built around the protection of the accused, at all costs: presumption of innocence, double degree of jurisdiction, provisional detention only in exceptional cases, the rehabilitative function of punishment. These guarantees must instead be strengthened to protect honest citizens who might be wrongly involved in legal proceedings, while integrated into a comprehensive framework that prevents anomalies and ensures swift, fair justice. The current system often transforms the crime’s victim into a marginal subject, forced to wait years for a judgment, frequently without any meaningful compensation, while street-level criminals are released after being caught in the act. Recidivism rates are high; statutes of limitations erode years of investigations; prisons themselves generate criminal recidivism. The dominant criminal profile in Italy is that of the professional offender. Add to that rising street crime, juvenile delinquency exploiting impunity, and ideologically motivated offenses. Futuro Nazionale intends to reform justice on a simple, non-negotiable principle: the safety of the honest citizen must prevail over the criminal’s rights. We propose a new balanced justice system that integrates the guarantee-based presumption of innocence with the immediate isolation of those in flagrante delicto for violent or street crimes, to ensure public peace.

  Here are the proposals:

  Protection of freedom of expression and thought : our movement upholds the principle that “ideas should not be judged.” It opposes “offense crimes” and norms punishing expressions of thought not linked to concrete acts of violence. While morally opposing incitement to hatred or any advocacy of crime, Futuro Nazionale believes that confrontation of ideas should be left to cultural and political arenas, not penal ones: dissent and critique must not be silenced by the threat of legal action. In practice, allowing the law or the judge to discern licit from illicit opinions risks misuse and political manipulation and undermines the liberal-democratic regime’s foundations. In Parliament and throughout the institutions, the party commits to repealing “gag laws,” such as Mancino, and rejects any compromise that would introduce new censorship laws. The promotion of our civilization’s values remains the citizen and intermediate social bodies’ responsibility, without the need to suppress dissenting voices. In this regard, Article 23, paragraph 4-bis of the Highway Code has been used by some municipalities as a censorship tool. Futuro Nazionale proposes amending this rule so that post- or removal decisions are based on objective, non-discretionary criteria, excluding content-based ideological judgments or value judgments, and establishing a quick appeal mechanism (maximum 72 hours) against arbitrary removals, with written justification by the municipality and administrative sanctions for municipalities using urban-planning tools or advertising policies to suppress legitimate political, associative, or value-based positions.

  Security as the State’s primary duty. Citizens’ security is neither optional nor a mere ideological concession: it is the State’s primary duty and the basis of all freedom. Futuro Nazionale intends to reverse the paradigm that has long prioritized protecting the guilty over the victims’ rights, by bringing the State back into the streets and restoring to honest citizens the certainty of protection, through faster and less discretionary arrest procedures and validation of arrests in flagrante delicto.

  Structural reform of the Penal Code and the Penal Procedure Code. Italy’s procedural system is rooted in nineteenth-century logic. We will implement a radical reform of the Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure to guarantee quick, certain final judgments, rationalizing procedural rites, eliminating bureaucratic steps, and reforming the appeal system to break the chain of delays. The regime for conservatory measures will be reformed, and speedy and summary procedures will be strengthened as the default rule for flagrante delicto offenses.

  Reduction of justice delays. For criminal and civil cases, the objective is a 25% reduction through incentives for alternative procedures, strengthening fast-track procedures, imposing tight deadlines for the investigative phase, and stopping publication of acts protected by investigative secrecy. Slow justice is justice for criminals.

  Digitization of justice and workforce adaptation. Mandatory e-filing, digital notifications, remote hearings always available while ensuring in-person appearances remain possible. Strengthening of judges’ staff and a special recruitment program for law-enforcement to fill gaps caused by budget cuts. Uniform digital standards across the territory to eliminate backlogs and make justice modern and efficient.

  Certezza della pena. End to cumulative alternative penalties for serious offenses (violence, violent theft, drug trafficking, sexual assault) with the “prison-forgives-all” effect: prison terms must be actual and served in full. Drastic restrictions on the use of alternative measures for recidivists; mandatory and automatic aggravating circumstances from the second definitive conviction for intentional offenses; the statute of limitations should be extinguished after first-degree murder, mafia, and terrorism. This signals the definitive end of lenient penal policies that have dulled public safety.

  Procedural efficiency. Strengthen services, revise procedures, and simplify bureaucratic burdens related to supervisory judges and the prison administration, so decisions can be made faster and more clearly aligned with the objective content of cases.

  Swift justice for victims : specialized street-crime courts with initial judgments within 90 days from complaint; creation of a Victims’ Fund with immediate compensation for thefts, robberies, and assaults, with direct government recourse against convicted offenders. Victims should not wait years or be left uncompensated due to a perpetrator’s lack of funds: the State can contribute initially, then recover the money from the offender through a measured strategy that avoids creating new public-finance burdens.

  Victim-centered approach: no compensation for criminals. Ending the protection of criminals: victims must be central to the justice system. As explained in detail in the “Security” chapter on self-defense, a regulation will categorically exclude any civil or criminal compensation for attackers who used weapons, threats, or violent actions, as well as their heirs. Those who cause damage or commit a penal offense cannot enrich themselves at the victim’s expense. Self-responsibility becomes the norm: those who commit a serious crime lose the right to compensation from those they harmed.

  Protection of responsible gun ownership. No further tightening of normative restrictions on legitimate gun owners; restrictions should target only law-abiding citizens and not those who are least likely to use guns for wrongdoing. We defend the right to self-defense without criminalizing responsible firearm possession.

  Lowering the absolute age of criminal responsibility for minors and parental responsibility. The current absolute age threshold of 14 is cynically used by criminal gangs, including non-EU members. We propose lowering it to 12, aligning with other European countries, with ordinary procedure rules for minors responsible for serious offenses. At the same time, penalties in money terms and mandatory social-service pathways for irresponsible parents will be introduced to address the root educational gaps.

  Restorative justice only as a residual exception. Restorative justice, recently placed at the center of justice reform, is an alternative to traditional justice focusing on repairing the victim’s damage through mediation and reconciliation. It should be used for minor property crimes and petty offenses after responsibility has been firmly established, and with the victim’s explicit veto; it is categorically excluded for violence, sexual assault, mafia, terrorism, major offenses, and recidivists. It is thus not a replacement for trial but a rare, exceptional instrument.

  End of Gramscian reframing of law and end of “category” rhetoric. Futuro Nazionale rejects categories such as femicide: the value of every life is the same, whether male or female, worker or unemployed, old or young — it is always homicide that matters. For this reason, Article 577-bis of the Penal Code, which introduced femicide, will be repealed: killing a woman will be punished with penalties up to life imprisonment, as we have always done — i.e., for homicide. Who kills a person, man or woman, should be punished, without the need to distinguish “viricide” and “feminicide.” The reasons femicide definitions are unjust include: 1) Killing a man in jealousy leads to different penalties than killing a woman in jealousy; 2) Killing out of envy or anger should not be more severe if the victim is a woman; 3) The notion of a “female femicide” invites ideological manipulation; 4) Advancing moralities via legal categories substitutes for genuine justice. The correct approach is to enforce universal penalties for homicide; 5) Law must avoid turning the crime of murder into a vehicle for political or ideological campaigns. The remigration policy is a crucial deterrent, as non-EU 9% of the resident population commits around 25% of homicides, making strong demography-driven policy a priority; a pragmatic crackdown on prison populations would reduce the 35% non-Italians behind bars, enabling authorities to focus on genuine public safety concerns. The left’s focus on new categories misses the point: reform must restore justice and deter crime based on objective crime, not on internal psychological states.

  Effective prevention of passion-driven violence. Once past the manipulation techniques deployed by the left around the danger of “femicide,” the issue of “crimes of passion” has rightly taken center stage. It demands pragmatic, non-ideological responses, not electoral calculation. We must improve steps in the “Code red” processes, guaranteeing immediate protection and definite deadlines. Strengthening remote electronic monitoring for those under conservatory measures, with dedicated funds to address chronic deficits in devices; training programs for magistrates, prosecutors, and judges for risk situations; a more rigorous emergency regime when there is documented risk of violence; and ensuring that any such interventions respect due process and can be reversed if proven unnecessary or disproportionate.

  Separation of careers and reform of the CSM. Clear separation between judges and prosecutors, with separate entry paths. Reform of the Superior Council of the Judiciary to sever any ties between judicial appointments and political currents or associations. Those who judge cannot have shared careers and mentalities with those who indict; separating careers is the condition for a fair, independent judge who balances accusation and defense.

  Civil liability for magistrates . Strengthening the principle of direct liability of magistrates in cases of fraud or fault, equal to any other high public official. The injured citizen may sue the responsible magistrate directly. The State guarantees prompt compensation in cases where the magistrate is insolvent, with mandatory recourse against the magistrate over time. Judicial independence cannot exist without accountability.

  Civil, administrative, and tax justice as a public economy asset. A fast judiciary in civil, labor, administrative, and tax matters is a strategic asset for the country’s economic attractiveness; strengthen the human and technological resources of specialized courts, guarantee non-retroactivity of norms, and pursue procedural reforms that ensure real adversarial proceedings with state administration, avoiding disparities between citizen and State.

  Reform of sensitive-trial attribution mechanisms. A modern justice system should be based on objective impartiality criteria, such as digital random drawing of judges for sensitive trials, and protocols guaranteeing transparency and neutrality.

  Système pénitentiaire : équité et sécurité

  Italy’s prison system is in chronic crisis: 64,400 detainees for 46,000 official places, with a national overcrowding rate above 138% — in some places like San Vittore in Milan reaching over 200%, and in the Apulia–Basilicata district around 165%. Almost 40% of facilities were built before 1950. Prison staff are under-staffed, recidivism rates hover around 70%, and the rehabilitative function of punishment has become a theoretical principle lacking concrete tools. There are rising radicalization concerns inside prisons, deteriorating prison health, and an ineffective disciplinary system. Futuro Nazionale intends to reform the penal system with an encompassing approach: separate policing from administration, grant the prison police equal institutional dignity as other forces, increase staff, modernize facilities, and restore meaningful purpose to punishment — restoring rights but with clear responsibilities.

  Some proposals:

  Creation of the Department of Prison Police. The current mix of administrative functions and policing narrows the prison service’s operational autonomy. We will create an autonomous Prison Police Department, separate from the DAP but linked to it, with exclusive competence over personnel, training, mobility, discipline, security, and critical-event management. A department head will be chosen from the corps’ generals, with a rank equivalent to a full army corps general. The Prison Police will finally enjoy the same institutional dignity as other state police forces.

  Extraordinary recruitment plan for the prison police. The staff shortage has compromised security, efficiency, and staff welfare. We will launch a multi-year extraordinary recruitment plan, with annual competitions, complete renewal coverage for retirements, and expedited recruitment procedures. Concurrently, training schools and operational specialization will be strengthened. The staff ensuring security in Italian prisons cannot be left understaffed.

  Emergency prison plan, including an extraordinary construction plan for at least ten thousand new places in 36 months, with modern modular facilities and special sections for dangerous inmates. New facilities will be modern and safe, overcoming chronic overcrowding and the substandard hygiene and structural conditions affecting around 40% of buildings. Overcrowding is not only a humanitarian problem; it is a major cause of sanctions’ ineffectiveness and a driver of criminality by prisoners who become career criminals. Dignity of detention and community safety are not contradictory goals.

  In-house inmate contribution to prison costs and the corrective function of punishment. Prisons must be safe, controlled, and oriented toward reintegration. Detention should ideally not be funded by taxpayers; it should be transformed into a national contribution wherever possible by inmate labor. Prison should not be a locus of idleness or a drain on taxpayers; the State should enforce punishment by providing accommodation and meals while inmates contribute to prison costs through work, with workshops and spaces suitable for teaching and producing crafts, agriculture, etc., to be used as a skill set after release. Futuro Nazionale believes punishment must be retributive but also rehabilitative and that personal merit should be rewarded with concrete outcomes.

  Periodic security checks of prison structures and fight against drug trafficking and consumption . Italy’s prisons have areas lacking cameras; high-security sections have experienced serious escape attempts, and contraband is widespread. We will implement automated access control, advanced surveillance with biometric identification, and technologies to prevent phones, drugs and weapons from entering. Modern technology reduces staff workload and increases facility safety.

  Diversified penalties by offender profile. The sanction system should be calibrated to the offender’s profile: alternatives remain feasible only for occasional offenders; for recidivists and serious offenses, only certain, immediate penalties apply. Prisoners with serious psychiatric disorders or high risk should be sent to specialized detention and care centers. Any prison advantage or parole must be weighed by a vigilant supervision judiciary’s objective criteria.

  Discipline system reform. The current disciplinary system has lost its deterrent effect: sanctioning exclusion from common activities has little impact on prisoners’ lives and can become a privilege. The reform of Article 73 of Presidential Decree 230/2000, reinstituting effective isolation restrictions during disciplinary confinement, is necessary, with temporary suspension of visits and phone calls, limiting access to non-essential goods, preserving fundamental rights. Firmness, in line with rule of law, remains essential, in the name of human dignity.

  Management of foreign detainees and counter-radicalization. Foreign detainees represent 31.5% of the prison population and have a higher detention rate (6 points higher) than Italians. The phenomena of aggressive Islamist proselytism inside prisons pose a real security threat. Strengthening bilateral protocols with home countries for expulsions, simplifying international transfers, and promoting agreements to execute punishments in home countries are necessary, in line with fundamental protections.

  Equity in prison health. Prisoners are currently excluded from health expenditures, even when financially comfortable: a substantial injustice that shifts the cost to free citizens. We aim to introduce a system of proportional participation linked to each detainee’s actual economic situation, analogously to the arrangements for the general population. Full exemption remains guaranteed only for indigent individuals.

  Reorganization of prison healthcare and mental health. The shortage of dedicated medical and psychiatric personnel contributes to critical incidents, self-harm, and unnecessary external transfers. Our proposals include mandatory operational protocols between prison administration and local health agencies, strengthening internal health services, and reducing transfers to only strictly necessary cases. For detainees with severe mental disorders, expand dedicated facilities and explicitly plan alternative pathways to ordinary detention where confinement is not suitable.

  Aggravating circumstances for offenses committed while in detention. A person in detention or under a preventive measure who commits new offenses—assaulting staff, drug use, riots, possession of weapons or phones, criminal proselytism, ties to criminal organizations from within—must face significantly harsher penalties. Introduce specific aggravating circumstances, automatic penalty increases on recidivism during detention, restrict access to penitentiary privileges for those responsible for serious violations, and implement high-surveillance measures for highly dangerous inmates.

  Reform of torturous conduct definitions: clarity, proportionality, and protection for inmates and officers. The law on torture contains interpretive ambiguities that create uncertainty and operational paralysis for staff in emergencies. We propose reform to sharpen criminal qualification criteria and define the threshold for recidivism and conduct severity. A provision should recognize operationally critical contexts under which the staff acts, with specific training and uniform guidelines. The aim is to protect fundamental rights without turning the criminal justice system into a trap for the very protectors of society nor a weapon of retaliation against inmates with good conduct in dangerous contexts.

  Abuse of power and vehicle-stop tactics. It is extremely serious to flee from control points and endanger people. The rules should permit safety officers to use necessary maneuvers to stop fleeing vehicles, including restraint or controlled contact, when not risking greater public danger. Such actions, performed in the line of duty and according to operational criteria, should be judged on the information available at the moment of intervention, considering urgency and risk. Post-event reconstructions and ex post calm cannot be used to justify misapplication of the law. Protecting unintended third parties remains essential, but the officer should not bear the criminal consequences of the fugitive’s dangerous conduct.

  Territorial control and use of armed forces in high-crime zones. Futuro Nazionale believes in allowing the armed forces to support police in urban areas with high crime, under civilian authority, for extraordinary security needs. The aim is not to militarize internal security but to provide a temporary, organized framework. The government and prefect will lead, while day-to-day security and law enforcement remain under police and judiciary. The military use will be time- and space-bound and bounded in its own mission. The State would benefit from such a framework in reclaiming legitimacy and visibility of its authority over space.

  Exam and transparency in the operations of justice : The legal system must move toward more objective evaluation. The use of digital randomization for judges in sensitive cases and transparent, neutral protocols ensures fairness and uniformity in adjudication.

  9— Energy

  For Futuro Nazionale, energy policy is a strategic issue for national security. Without secure, affordable energy, there is no industry, no economic growth, and no protection of households’ purchasing power. In recent years, Italy has borne the consequences of wrong choices and increasing dependence on foreign sources. Global crises, price volatility, regulatory constraints have exposed the fragility of the system and the direct impact of energy costs on daily life and competitiveness. The energy transition cannot be passive; it must be managed in the national interest. Futuro Nazionale advocates a pragmatic approach: create a diversified, robust, autonomous, and sustainable energy system. The policy is to end ideological battles and adopt a pragmatic approach that embraces a variety of technically mature solutions tailored to different sectors and real needs. A broad energy mix is essential, avoiding rigid ideologies that exclude technologies or partners. Relying too heavily on a single source is risky: weather conditions, global supply chain disruptions, and external political decisions can undermine energy security. Diversification is not optional; it is the national security necessity. Futuro Nazionale proposes a realistic approach: no source should be excluded a priori if it is technically mature, economically viable, and capable of contributing to a stable system. We assess results and the actions of international competitors and choose in Italy’s best interests, not according to external dogmas. The strategy can be summarized in five pillars: diverse energy basket free from ideology; pragmatic reopening of all supply channels, including Russia and any partner willing to trade energy resources; prioritization of dispatchable sources (hydro with pumped storage, biomass from managed forests, biomethane from by-products and waste, geothermal, and in the long term, next-generation nuclear) ; clear rejection of the Green Deal, the Fit for 55, and any EU policy that sacrifices competitiveness and sovereignty for ideological agendas; energy efficiency as the first form of economy and national security reinforcement. The path is clear and achievable, requiring political courage, technical rigor, and a commitment to national interest above ideological or external alignments. Futuro Nazionale will push this vision within European and international institutions, defending technological choice freedom, supply security, and Italy’s right to decide its own energy future. Time for ideological politics is over: it is time for sovereignty, diversification, and pragmatism.

  Contre l’idéologie verte : critique du Green Deal, du Fit for 55 et des politiques européennes

  Futuro Nazionale expresses firm opposition to EU energy and environmental policies based on dogmas rather than evidence, economic viability, and national interest. The Green Deal, the Fit for 55 package, the 20-20-20 strategy, and all iterations of similar climate policies impose forced deadlines, punitive prohibitions, and obligations that weigh heavily on families, businesses, and production sectors, yielding no real energy security or actual emissions reductions. These policies, rooted in an ideology prioritizing environmental purity over industrial competitiveness and social protection, distort economies: higher energy costs, relocation of production, dependence on externally controlled raw materials and technologies, and greater vulnerability of the electrical system to intermittency. The goal of 20% renewables, 20% efficiency, and 20% emission reductions has been pursued with incentive mechanisms that still burden households, failing to address dispatchability and supply-security concerns. Fit for 55 and acceleration toward climate neutrality by 2050 have further hardened the framework, imposing deadlines to phase out internal combustion engines, mandates for building renovations, and electrification targets that do not account for Italy’s housing stock, electrical networks, industrial structure, climate and geography. Italy cannot continue to accept Brussels diktats that threaten its industrial fabric and citizens’ purchasing power. A radical revision of these directions is necessary, in the name of national sovereignty and economic realism. Environmental protection remains a shared value, but it cannot become a pretext for policies that impoverish nations and move production — and the respective emissions — elsewhere. Our limits do not lie in the lack of plans but in the distance between announcement, authorization, construction, and result. A new governance architecture for energy-security is required, with clear deadlines, identifiable responsibilities, and independent cost analyses for large-scale infrastructure decisions.

  Approvisionnements : rouvrir les canaux commerciaux et diversifier les partenaires

  reopening gas channels with Russia and with all energy-material trading partners is essential. Energy security is not built on ideological isolation, but on a broad, pragmatic network of commercial and diplomatic relations. Italy must evaluate all options in line with what other international actors are doing: many European and non-European countries are recalibrating their strategies, reintroducing or reinforcing the use of coal in innovative, environmentally sustainable plants, modernizing existing facilities, and investing in carbon capture and storage technologies. We cannot afford to lag behind or forego solutions successfully used by others to ensure base-load and price stability. Natural gas remains, in the medium term, a cornerstone of Italy’s electrical and thermal balancing. Rigidly closing supply channels for ideological or unilateral geopolitical reasons would lead to higher prices and greater volatility, directly affecting families and businesses. An independent energy policy evaluates contracts on the basis of reliability, competitiveness, and continuity of supply, not alignment with others’ choices. Reopening national gas extraction, fully exploiting subsoil and sea resources, and coordinating Italy’s role as a Mediterranean energy hub with robust infrastructure and energy storage capacity are part of this sovereignty-led strategy. We support the use of national gas and oil storage facilities, provided environmental and community impacts are managed (avoiding issues such as subsidence) and that royalties adequately benefit affected regions.

  Efficacité énergétique : le premier pilier

  The first form of energy is the energy not used: saving means reducing direct costs and avoiding new investments. Therefore, any serious energy policy must begin with energy efficiency. Italy has proven its value by becoming a European benchmark in both industrial and residential sectors, but much remains to be done. The building stock is over 60% pre-1980, characterized by energy performance well below current standards, especially in small towns and outskirts. Fragmentation of norms and bureaucratic complexity often slowed interventions that could be quick and effective. It is necessary to move beyond emergency incentive logic toward structural, stable, predictable policies. Futuro Nazionale proposes a long-term, holistic plan based on three principles: normative stability, administrative simplification, and selectivity of interventions. Public resources should be directed first to the most energy-intensive buildings and to families with the lowest investment capability. The objective is to intervene in at least three million dwellings, focusing only on improvements producing measurable benefits in energy efficiency and costs. In industry, priority is given to high-efficiency joint generation and to supporting companies undergoing modernization (heat recovery, efficient motors and inverters, digitization, industrial heat pumps), reducing energy consumption and dependence on energy supplies while preserving competitiveness and avoiding additional bureaucratic burdens. Innovation and autonomous development of national supply chains must be a top priority, freeing Italy from external bureaucratic leverage that could become new taxes. There should be no generalized restriction on property ownership, no uniform technological obligation, and no deadlines without the means to support vulnerable families, co-ops, small towns, and historic centers.

  Nuclear de nouvelle génération

  Futuro Nazionale supports Italy’s return to nuclear power. While the world develops this energy source to guarantee clean, safe, and consistent power, Italy cannot remain behind. Next-generation nuclear technologies, starting with Small Modular Reactors (SMR) and Advanced Nuclear Reactors (AMR), will be essential to reduce bills and guarantee strategic autonomy when renewable sources reach their effective integration limit. Reopening the path to next-generation fission is a process lasting no less than 20 years between authorizations, construction, and commissioning, but constitutes a strategic choice to guarantee long-term stable firm power and price predictability, in synergy with renewables. Decisions should be taken in phases, with transparent evaluation of alternatives and full assessment of total system costs. Low-emission hydrogen production for hard-to-decarbonize sectors (fertilizers, refining, steel, chemicals, ports, aviation, and shipping) will rely on continuous, affordable base-load electricity that only new-generation nuclear power, combined with dispatchable renewables, can guarantee.

  Énergie électrique : sécurité, diversification et développement

  The electrical system is a national security pillar, but its development must follow economic sustainability and industrial logic criteria. We reject the ideology of forced electrification at any cost: whole sectors of industry and civilian life cannot be electrified in a financially viable way. The growth of electricity capacity should serve competitiveness, not chase utopian goals. Italy has seen significant growth in solar power and renewables, but this has come with higher bills. This development must be managed with a careful balance of economic and social sustainability. Non-dispatchable sources come with high non-production costs: intermittency requires constant dispatchable backup plants with high balancing charges. National transmission studies show that these sources, due to structural integration limits and system costs, cannot cover needs in the medium term without substantial investments in storage, reserve, and oversizing capacity. Italy’s electricity needs are roughly 300–320 TWh per year, with peak demand exceeding 55 GW. Any credible strategy must guarantee coverage even during periods of low renewable production. Natural gas will continue to play a balancing role through combined-cycle plants. The storage development (electrochemical and pumped hydro) will be essential for flexibility but cannot fully substitute dispatchable capacity. Networks must be modernized by drastically reducing authorization and connection delays (currently sometimes 3–5 years). Self-generation and energy communities should promote actual self-consumption, reducing long-distance flows, distribution losses, and public costs. Goals: strengthen the grid; cut connection times to under 18 months; storage +15 GW by 2035; dispatchable capacity +20 GW by 2040.

  Photovoltaïque et éolien : une place dans le mix énergétique, avec des limites claires

  Within a differentiated and pragmatic energy basket, photovoltaics and wind energy can be useful sources, albeit with notable limits that must be addressed. There is no ideological barrier to their use: they diversify energy supply, produce energy at low marginal cost when sun and wind are available, and can reduce dependence on imported fuels during peak production hours. However, recognizing their role does not justify ignoring their technological, economic, and systemic limits, already highlighted by Italy’s recent experience. Non-dispatchable renewable sources have structural limits affecting integration into the electricity system. The intermittency of sun and wind requires constant support from standby plants, leading to balancing costs and non-production costs. Even in the medium term, meeting all electricity demand solely with these technologies would require substantial investments in storage, reserve, and capacity oversizing, with higher system costs. There is also the impact on bills from subsidies and charges still in place, affecting families and businesses. On the industrial side, dependence on non-European supply chains — especially Chinese — for modules, inverters, blades, and critical components implies that much of the value-added does not stay in Italy or Europe. Storage systems are also essential for grid balancing and remain strategic only if developed within a national or European supply chain; total imports reducing benefits. Large-scale installations can impose significant land-use and landscape pressures, especially on agricultural land or valued areas. Futuro Nazionale’s logic is clear: solar and wind should support Italy’s economy and its industrial supply chain as much as possible — which is not yet sufficiently the case. Any new capacity should be accompanied by commitments to European content, recycling, reparability, and the development of domestic production capacities in segments where Italy and Europe can create advantages (power electronics, cables, inverters, structures, control systems). For solar, there is room to support new installations on parking lots, roofs, agricultural structures, industrial hangars, public buildings (including gymnasia and sports facilities), warehouses, and degraded or impermeable zones. We oppose land-use for solar farms on productive farmland or agrivoltaic models that take productive land away from agriculture. The landscape protection is not a pretext to block energy transition, but decarbonization also cannot erase a place’s identity, agriculture, or biodiversity. The solution lies in pre-planning, prioritizing already compromised sites or offshore solutions where they are environmentally and landscape-sustainable, with stable compensation for hosting infrastructure.

  Hydroélectricité : une source renouvelable pilotable par excellence

  Among clean energy sources, reviving dispatchable renewable technologies and ensuring a base-load is priority. Hydroelectric energy deserves special attention because, beyond its production efficiency, it is dispatchable: when there is energy oversupply on the grid (e.g., during peak photovoltaic production hours), water can be pumped upstream through pumping installations. The system thus acts as a large-scale, long-duration storage: during production, water releases generate electricity; during pumping, surplus electricity is converted into gravitational potential energy in raised water, ready to be released when demand requires it. Pumped hydro storage is among the most mature, proven, and cost-effective approaches to increase system flexibility and integrate intermittent sources, without the high costs and critical material constraints (lithium, cobalt, nickel) of large battery storage. Italy’s hydro resources are a strategic national asset that must be protected, modernized, and made more efficient, free from excessive bureaucratic constraints that hinder development and maintenance. Investments in building new basins, strengthening existing ones, constructing new pumping stations where geographically and ecologically feasible, and digitizing reservoir management will reinforce the national system’s balancing capacity in a structural and durable way. Re-powering existing facilities and digitizing reservoir management can increase production and responsiveness without invasive territorial projects. Where feasible, new pump-storage installations will further strengthen long-duration storage, essential to manage the diffusion of non-dispatchable sources and reduce balancing costs. This is part of a national water plan, including the construction of new dams and reevaluating the Po River regulation project and other rivers. The hydro potential of major rivers and minor waterways should be revitalized through modernizations and micro-hydro developments. New turbines have achieved significant performance, reliability, and efficiency levels. Simplifying permitting and rehabilitating existing works can boost renewable production without new invasive infrastructure. Hydroelectric is not a thing of the past: it is a modern tool for grid stability, storage, and sustainable use of national water resources, complementary to other renewable sources.

  Biomass ligneuse et gestion forestière active

  Equally central is the use of woody biomass. Italy’s forest heritage has grown by more than 30% in the last thirty years. Turning neglected forests into sustainable sources of biomass and wood supply is a crucial lever to be integrated into the energy basket. Active, sustainable forest management that prioritizes biomass production and wood supply can valorize inland zones, create local jobs, reduce wildfire risk and landslides, and provide a renewable energy source dispatchable and rooted in the territory. The wood-biomass sector, properly managed for sustainable forestry, is a practical example of a circular economy and rural development. It is not about pillaging forest patrimony, but about active management: abandoned forests become a hazard (fires, hydrogeological instability), while managed forests produce energy, materials, jobs, and environmental protection. Futuro Nazionale sees this as one of the most tangible and immediately actionable levers to strengthen the dispatchable component of the national energy mix, with positive territorial and employment impacts. Solid biomasses should come from local sustainable supply chains with high-efficiency installations and emissions limits aligned with critical zones.

  Biométhane et biogaz

  Biomethane and biogas should be produced exclusively from by-products and agricultural, agro-industrial waste, and the organic fraction of waste collection (FORSU). This sustainability rule is strict: no conversion of agricultural land to dedicated crops, no competition with food production, and no incentives to opaque importation of raw materials. Bioenergy obtained in this way is a versatile vector, usable for electricity production, transport (heavy-duty) or feed into the grid. It also valorizes waste and effluents by transforming them into energy, organic fertilizer via digestate, and a strategic asset for strengthening rural economies. Futuro Nazionale proposes to consolidate existing facilities and build a trajectory toward 5–6 billion cubic meters per year by 2035, subject to verified mapping of sustainable feedstocks, methane leakage control, catchment coverage, and water protection. Connection to the grid or local use should be evaluated where systemic benefits are greatest: heavy transport, process heat, industry, and flexible production. Agricultural biogas plants at end-of-life represent an opportunity not to be wasted. Where economically feasible, they can be converted to biomethane or continued to the end of their useful life without imposing extra taxes. A pragmatic policy should facilitate these conversions with simplified procedures and no new public charges, recognizing environmental and economic value of local supply chains. This is not about creating new incentive regimes, but enabling existing installations and farming businesses that invested in these technologies to complete their life cycle or reorient when financially viable. It respects the principle of not placing more burden on general taxation and energy bills while valuing decarbonization potential and circular economy already present.

  Énergie thermique : souveraineté, ressources nationales et territoire

  Thermal energy accounts for a large share of Italy’s energy consumption. The housing stock and climate differences make a one-size-fits-all technological model impractical: the transition must avoid ideological impositions or external directives that devalue housing and burden families. The sector must be approached pragmatically with a real diversification. Heat pumps are not universally applicable or quickly deployable: hybrid systems (high-efficiency boiler and heat pump) are ideal for protecting historic centers and not overloading the electric grid. Natural gas, including bio-based gas, remains a cornerstone of security and sustainability for households and businesses. To ensure this security, Italy must pursue energy supply independence by accelerating domestic extraction and fully exploiting onshore and offshore resources. National resources cannot guarantee self-sufficiency, but can reduce dependence on foreign sources and strengthen grid resilience. The existing infrastructure network must be protected and reinforced to support hydrogen transport and renewable gas: a strategic energy infrastructure that, combined with geographic advantages, should solidify Italy as a Mediterranean energy hub. Dispatchable sources and grid-scale storage must be developed further: biomethane, geothermal, and biomass can unlock local economies, including employment. In urban areas, district heating should be enhanced by recovering waste heat from industry and waste-to-energy plants to heat entire neighborhoods, minimizing waste. The efficiency of installations and buildings should follow a sustainable path, supported by structural and stable policies.

  Transports et mobilité : pluralité technologique et souveraineté industrielle

  Decarbonizing transport requires a pragmatic approach free from environmental dogma. Electric mobility is a useful option in urban contexts but cannot be the sole path. EU programming’s rigid 2035 deadlines cannot be accepted: while Brussels has temporarily rolled back some obligations to phase out combustion engines and opened up to alternatives to traditional engines, current rules still threaten Italy’s auto sector and impose economically unsustainable transitions. The 2035 reform remains an open political dossier. Futuro Nazionale defends technological pluralism. The goal is to reduce real emissions across the lifecycle of vehicles, ensuring diverse solutions compete freely on the market. Alongside electricity, we support the full recognition and adoption of advanced biofuels (HVO) and synthetic fuels (e-fuels), strategic for neutralizing environmental impact while defending existing internal combustion engines and vehicles. In difficult-to-electrify segments — heavy transport, maritime, and aviation — hydrogen will be the strategic vector, but its industrial-scale low-emission production requires a massive, continuous, low-cost electricity supply: a base-load essential that intermittent sources cannot guarantee, and which must be complemented by nuclear power and renewables. In terms of infrastructure, the State should focus on strengthening rail and port logistics and modernizing public transport to reduce road congestion without resorting to punitive restrictions. Mobility transition should be guided by common sense, preventing disproportionate costs from falling on citizens, automotive workers, and residents of peripheral areas. For urban cars and fleets, prioritize electric, efficient hybrids, and public transport; for existing fleets, use HVO and sustainable biofuels without indiscriminate scrappage; for heavy transport, electric on suitable routes, biomethane, HVO, and hydrogen in selected corridors; for aviation and sea transport, SAF, e-fuels, and advanced biofuels; for rail and logistics, electrification, intermodal transport, and digitization.

  Mesures économiques pour la famille, le choc démographique et la défense de la vie

  Italy needs a tax shock policy to reactivate its demographic balance. Futuro Nazionale proposes to cut wasteful spending and redirect the welfare state toward the condition sine qua non for Italy’s survival and that of Italians. Italian children are Italian by birth; the nation exists through its families. Without Italian families there are no Italians, and without Italians there is no Italy. It is from the family that villages become cities and nations. This is not only a matter of policy but also a moral imperative. Public and European aid should be targeted only to the true farmer and not to landowners or foreigners. The revitalization of the demographic balance calls for substantial policy shifts and a reallocation of resources toward demographic and family supports, while keeping a balanced European approach. Futuro Nazionale proposes a true family quotient that recognizes the number of people supported by income — including children and the elderly living with modest pensions — as a core factor in tax progression, acknowledging family and natality as central to the country’s sustainability, including social security.

  In addition, the “Family Factor Italy” (these tax instruments would apply more broadly than IRPEF) would redefine the tax burden for public services, childcare costs, social instruments, and regional subsidies. It would also consider family composition, number of children, disabled persons, and informal caregivers. It would address distortions that currently favor not marrying rather than marrying, while tax base consolidation could imply incentives for married households, including social housing, childcare queues, and other areas. If defeating evasion by low-income individuals not marrying to receive benefits would always remain a concern, a compensation method would be used: increasing the points-based system for married families to boost housing support and childcare queues, ensuring reforms are balanced.

  Grandparents, as custodians of family heritage, could be recognized in tax terms by reducing tax burdens on those who include grandparents in the domestic unit, contributing to multigenerational family life. We would also earmark recruitment in urban development and social housing to families with three or more children, reflecting a social policy that links demography to urban resilience.

  We will explore “blue quotas” in public tenders to reserve positions for parents of large families, supporting families dedicated to procreation and continuity of the nation. In public administration, we would ease transfers and promotions for household units with three or more children. We view family-work balance as a demographic architecture: the time Italian mothers spend with their children should be a child’s right, not a discretionary permission granted to mothers, reducing risks for firms tied to maternity. Policy must also support fiscal balance that fosters job security and family growth, including reforms in allowances and leave policies, and the simplification of social regulations. The Child Benefits would be restructured to reflect family size and child-related costs. Eligibility for public aid would be tied to family structure and income, with stringent checks to prevent fraud and ensure funds reach families truly in need. The program also contemplates a debt mechanism for paralleled pension relief and family supports for the elderly and disabled, with social solidarity as a basic value and a proper allocation of resources toward the “common good.”

  To support the social sector while respecting the principle of justice, Futuro Nazionale emphasizes integrated social-health programs, prioritizes Italians for social instruments (family stability), and recognizes the indispensable role of families in building a robust society. It supports inclusive policies for people with disabilities, including personalized care, accessible health and rehabilitation services, and home-based supports. It also emphasizes housing and urban regeneration anchored in social goals, including social housing for Italians of goodwill, subsides, and stable rents, particularly for the elderly living alone and young working families. It reaffirms the “Tricolor Credit” (See the dedicated chapter for details) and the role of family-based support in ensuring demographic health and the continuity of the “people.” A universal basic pension would be implemented at 750 euros monthly for those truly in need, with a strict means-testing regime to verify actual needs. Welfare would be transformed into a path of training and work where possible, and the State would be obligated to re-instate the dignity of the social safety net, with a more transparent, merit-based system that avoids dulling the sense of personal responsibility. The implementation would require significant reforms and careful financial planning, with resource allocations prioritizing families most in need and ensuring sustainability for future generations.

  Chantiers de citoyenneté fondés sur le principe de tolérance zéro. Every minor offense is identified by territorial control (Municipalities, Municipal police) and social services under a “Broken Windows” model: systematic degradation originates from impunity for small crimes. Minors involved in vandalism or intimidation are enrolled in compulsory reparation pathways under the supervision of a retired police force to restore what they took from the community.

  Parental responsibility : The family that fails to maintain proper parental control must respond in law and economy. Severe financial penalties and suspension of public assistance hit households with repeat juvenile offenders. In cases of deviation, parents accompany their children in corrective programs: the State does not replace the parents but requires them to resume their role.

  Sport and crafts as identity bulwarks. Against urban nihilism, the State offers a stronger identity than street life. We will promote endurance sports and martial arts (self-discipline and respect schools) and “Citizen Workshops” where young people learn crafts such as artisanry, culinary arts, and agriculture. Learning a trade is more valuable than any “gang.”

  Objective, non-arbitrary protocols in social services. Enough of “psychologism” and subjective evaluations in child-protection cases: we will introduce Ethical Performance Indicators (IPI) and reliable technical protocols documenting every action taken. Errors should be procedural, identifiable, and correctable, not sensational accusations against professional categories or unprovable hypotheses used to smear professionals.

  Protection of parental authority and family unit. Removal should be the last resort. Increasingly, families face lengthy, complex interventions that intrude on family life. A model is needed that protects family ties while providing alternatives to long-term separations that undermine children’s well-being. The State must be a partner to the family, not its adversary, and must intervene in steps that are non-invasive and proportionate to risk, with public transparency and robust checks to avoid abuse or misapplication.

  Sports and vocations as identity bulwarks. We promote endurance sports, martial arts, and “citizenship workshops,” where youths learn crafts—artisanal trades, gastronomy, agriculture. Learning a trade is a stronger foundation than any “gang.”

  Objective protocols against social services’ arbitrariness. End “psychologism” and subjective judgments in child protection cases: we will implement Ethical Performance Indicators and robust technical protocols to document every action, ensuring errors are identifiable and corrigible, not as a basis for media vilification of professionals.

  Protection of parental authority and family unity: removal should be the last recourse. We must prevent the increasing practice of breaking families apart, a trend highlighted by cases like Bibbiano; solutions should avoid undermining the family unless grave danger exists. The State should be a friend to families, with interventions that are non-invasive and proportionate and a transparent system of checks to guard against abuses.

  Frequent checks on residential facilities. After abuse cases like Forteto in Tuscany, it is necessary to strengthen oversight of facilities housing minors, monitoring the quality of interventions and rights of children. Each community should be subject to high standards of surveillance. Maintaining meaningful attachments with both parents and siblings is essential and must be upheld; in cases of abuse, the State will act decisively.

  Transparency as institutional trust. Citizens must know that social workers act according to science and protocol, not personal judgment. Measurability of procedures protects families, professionals, and institutions, restoring credibility to a state that has sometimes seemed arbitrary and opaque.

  Mandatory bio-sensitization in schools. Preventing drug use should be part of the curriculum with physicians and toxicologists in classrooms. Brain scanners to detect alcohol and cannabis impacts, solid scientific data, and deconstructing the myth of “soft drugs.” Biological truth is a counterweight to the lure of the forbidden. Not mere information, but a real shock to consciousness.

  Absolute ban on the use of personal electronic devices at school. Digital dependence limits cognitive and relational abilities of youths. We restore the absolute ban on smartphones and personal devices during class hours: a forced detox that returns the school to its role as a bulwark of reality and authentic confrontation.

  Ban on access to social networks for under 15s, with age-verification requirements for platforms using digital identification tools. From 15 to 17, a daily usage cap (e.g., 45 minutes to one hour) should apply, after which the account becomes unusable until the next day.

  Default blocking of adult content on all devices connected to the network: explicit, violent, or inappropriate content for minors must be blocked by default on all devices and connections. Unblocking requires explicit adult consent. Vigilance on Caivano Decree implementations to avoid the circumventing of age restrictions. Platforms face severe penalties — up to 4% of global annual turnover — for failing to implement age-verification and child-protection measures.

  DECRETO CAIVANO

  Ultimately, Futuro Nazionale’s social state will be reimagined in terms of justice, meritocracy, and accountability, with social aid often reserved for Italian citizens, strict controls against abuse and fraud, and municipalities investing in natality and family policy. Territorial services for children, elderly and disabled will be strengthened, while welfare will be reoriented toward training and work. The youth will be guided to understand their responsibilities and the risks linked to drugs and other anti-social behaviors. The State’s social function is to ensure no one is left behind, while fostering the rebuilding of each person’s potential.

  Images and further sections not included here for brevity.