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During my fruitful encounters with personalities from the Francophone world in recent months, a number of reactions from my interlocutors recurred with a frequency that cannot be ignored: the broadly shared and lamented assessment of the current crisis of multilateralism; the need to rebuild an international space for dialogue governed by trust and equality among partners; the reminder of the original inspiration of Francophonie as sketched by its founding fathers; the necessity of a fresh breath, a rupture, that could give Francophonie a direction, if not a raison d’être in a world that is reconfiguring; a certain dissatisfaction among Francophone actors (politicians, representatives of the business and entrepreneurial world, civil society or the academic world) with regard to the current governance model of Francophonie.
When I embarked on the race for the post of secretary-general of Francophonie, I already knew some of these elements, but, by listening to each interlocutor, a broader and more comprehensive picture began to take shape in its finest details. A picture that was at the same time a diagnosis.
To this diagnosis about Francophonie, another worry took the form of a question as the conversations progressed: will Francophonie be able to reinvent itself in order to confront, with its own means (history, vocation, institutions) the major challenges of our time and the future? Or will it risk locking itself into a discourse that merely justifies its own action, glorifying the meaning of its existence simply by existing in an inert manner?
The Multilateral System in Disarray
From the Global South to the Global North, from the East to the West, we share the same assessment that the current crisis of multilateralism does not simply hinge on the weakening of one institution or another, but on the disintegration of the rules of the international game established after 1945 and reaffirmed after 1989. Whether it is the inefficacy or even the political and institutional paralysis of the major UN forums, the weakening of certain institutions through the reduction or elimination of voluntary contributions, or the reconfiguration of the world order by arguments of force rather than those of diplomacy—the planetary landscape is becoming ever clearer to us: multilateralism no longer seems to be the most effective way to respond to climate, security, health, migration, or technological challenges. Against a backdrop of such incapacity and the persistent suspicion that it would be governed by a “two weights, two measures” logic (with great powers applying international law only selectively according to their interests), the increasingly prevalent reaction is one of growing distrust toward multilateralism, accompanied by a rhetorical, political, or military retreat into sovereignism and isolationism.
Will Francophonie be able to reinvent itself in order to face the major challenges of our time and of the future?
Dacian Cioloș
These signs of the unraveling of multilateralism have not spared Francophonie. With 90 members, including 53 member states and governments, its global networks of universities (AUF, which counts more than 1,000 institutions), French-speaking mayors (over 350 cities and national city networks from 57 countries), and with a media operator, TV5Monde, broadcasting its programs in virtually every country, together with the Parliamentary Assembly of La Francophonie, the Conference of International Non-Governmental Organizations, as well as networks of business leaders or women entrepreneurs, Francophonie is undoubtedly a very complex and unique global framework by its very structure, with a significant potential for public action. Some may think that this breadth and complexity of the mechanism make it difficult to manage and operate, or that the very challenge of harmonizing such diverse ambitions makes their implementation laborious. Those are important questions and legitimate concerns, no doubt, but I do not share them. I believe it is precisely this organizational fabric that could be one of the strategic assets for building a Francophonie that pursues a bold future vision. But the condition is to make these structures collaborate, to encourage mutual support, and to highlight their complementary strengths.
Yet one thing is certain: Francophonie currently does not possess the resources (notably financial) to live up to its declared ambitions. And declarations alone cannot suffice to meet such ambitions.
I would offer here another hypothesis: even in an ideal world where such financial resources were abundant, it is by no means certain that Francophonie automatically gains influence on the global stage and on regional scenes, while at the same time achieving real impact within the communities of different countries. A well-padded bank account is a necessary condition, but certainly not sufficient to rise to the level of its own ideals.
It is in such a global state of affairs that Francophonie must reinvent itself and propose a new vision for the future for its peoples. It can do so if it first reconnects with the inspiration of its founding fathers, who anchored its bedrock on values such as the complementarity of the “dormant energies” of all continents, on a community of values endowed with the marvelous instrument that is the French language (Léopold Sédar Senghor), an instrument that opens the diversity of the Francophone world to freedom (Habib Bourguiba) and which is a language of opportunity and an instrument of solidarity in action, emancipation, and social progress (Hamani Diori). It is only in this way that Francophonie can fulfill the dream of Norodom Sihanouk, who saw it more as a bridge between continents, between East and West, founded on respect for our respective identities.
Today we struggle to regain, overwhelmed by the deafening noise of wars and bellicose declarations, the sense of these words. We struggle to find a meaningful purpose in Francophonie’s actions, so often captured by functionalist talk and the micro-management of its projects and organizational charts.
Yet it is with this very reality and this mindset that we must fight; it is in a world like ours that we must launch a fight for the meaning of Francophonie. A meaning that cannot emerge from regional or continental retreat, nor from mutual suspicion among one another, nor from self-interested games and transactions, nor even from triumphalist speeches proclaimed from the heights of international podiums.
The future comes to us with major challenges that threaten to magnify global inequalities and imbalances. In the struggle among great powers, the first losers are small countries in the poorer regions of the world that pay the heaviest price in the race for resources. Climate crises strike with the greatest force in Africa, Southeast Asia, and notably island nations. The management of Covid-19 also illustrated the reflex of “everyone for themselves” (that poor vaccine nationalism) to the detriment of a coordinated global response. In the absence of international consensus on governance and cybersecurity, the rapid development of artificial intelligence allows large corporations to capture profits while passing on the social costs and collateral damage to the most vulnerable populations. At the same time, the frantic rush for rare minerals, essential to new technologies, generates real ecological, social, and security crises in the countries that hold these resources, without creating added value in the communities of origin.
In such a world as ours, we must launch a fight for the meaning of Francophonie.
Dacian Cioloș
Societal challenges cannot be ignored: in Africa, for example, people under 18 account for roughly 50% of the population, while the median age there is about 19. More than 600 million African children and adolescents constitute the continent’s most valuable resource, but at the same time its most important responsibility. In Africa, as in other regions of the Francophonie, are we ready to face the real possibility of an intergenerational conflict arising from our inability to create decent conditions for a good life for future generations? Are we, the adult generations, capable of understanding that the existential worries of the young are not the same as ours, three, four, or five decades ago?
How can Francophonie respond to such challenges? It can do so only through the courage of a renewed vision rooted in a lucid understanding of the past, present, and future of the Francophone world.
Such a vision, which takes into account both the richness of our shared heritage and the unrealized creative potential of the Francophone space, mobilizes a philosophy of collective action and an increased sense of responsibility among national representatives who oversee the institutional structures of Francophonie.
Thus, in order to give new meaning to our commitment to Francophonie, I propose a new course that will lead us with confidence toward the future.
A More Politically Oriented Francophonie
The cultural, linguistic, and historical diversity of Francophone communities compels us to implement what I call a “enlightened multilateralism,” which prevents crises, commits to resolving them where they erupt, and does so through the concerted action of the political leaders of the concerned countries and the mediators of Francophonie. Without coordinated action by States and by the communities themselves, by policymakers and experts, by the business and entrepreneurial sectors, and by civil society, we cannot lay the groundwork for transparent dialogue that can restore the conditions for a peaceful and decent life for our citizens.
Such a multilateralism can be rightly described as “enlightened” insofar as its strength stems from the richness of a network of equal partners. Equality among States, among women and men, among leaders and civil society, among generations and social groups that compose its diversity.
A more political Francophonie requires leaders of Francophonie organizations and member countries to win back the trust of their populations and secure their support for decisions taken jointly with them. Moreover, it remains a matter of building mutual trust whenever conflict prevention and mediation—aims of Francophonie—start from the principle of respecting state sovereignty to work with them on common solutions.
Committed in a clearly political manner, Francophonie derives its legitimacy from continuous contact with the citizens and communities it represents and serves without reservation.
A More Economically-Focused Francophonie
We can all see that the attractiveness of Francophonie no longer rests on the beauty of its cultural treasures alone. While admirable, this wealth is no longer sufficient to open, for women and men in our societies, for the youth of the various countries, the prospect of a better life. When I speak of an opportunities-driven Francophonie, I do not envision a scenario based on instrumentalization or speculation on its facilities. Rather, I see the creation of conditions that allow a French-speaking young person to find within this space the prospects to study, to find a job or to create jobs, to develop and showcase their skills and talents, to circulate and circulate ideas, to partner with colleagues in international networks.
The idea of opportunity can also be read in another way: the challenges of the present and future demand an extraordinary capacity for adaptation and resources of creativity and bold innovation that the younger generations are best at delivering. With their relative inexperience which ceases to be a handicap and becomes a liberating asset, freed from obsolete dogmas or yesterday’s bureaucratic reflexes, they will approach crises with greater freedom of thought and a cognitive flexibility that allows them to imagine renewed economic paradigms. And not to mention that young generations around the world are more connected to the transformations of the present (artificial intelligence, climate transitions, governance) and therefore master natively the codes and narratives of the future world.
Two provisional conclusions can be drawn from this vision: first, that the major challenges of our time can be transformed into opportunities for reinvention and renewal of Francophonie. Second, the inherent agility and creative vitality of youth no longer place it as a target or a pupil to be prepared by others for the future, but as a major actor in the present’s transformation and in shaping the imagination of the future.
We must decide whether we will simply state this asset, or put it to work.
Dacian Cioloș
One more word on the relationship between Francophonie and discoverability: if we consider it as a strategic opportunity, it can decisively contribute to the economic development of our societies. Stemming from the Quebec reflection space, the discussion on discoverability deserves to be transformed into a medium- to long-term action plan, and this for several reasons: whether we speak of fighting the opacity of algorithms that render many Francophone contents invisible, or of developing and promoting cultural and creative content through metadata restructuring processes, or of training large AI models on corpora that are predominantly Anglophone—indeed, we see both the need for a concrete strategy around discoverability and real issues of democratizing knowledge, of multiculturalism and multilingualism, of accessible scientific research, of valuing local identities, and of fighting misinformation and disinformation.
A More Social Francophonie
I have often heard, in conversations with interlocutors from different countries, that one of Francophonie’s weaknesses lies in its distance from the people. That it would have lost some of its breath as its action has weakened within the populations and communities that constitute it.
A bold vision of Francophonie implies a return to the daily lives of our fellow citizens. Grand political and diplomatic meetings alone are not enough to increase its attractiveness. It will become attractive again when it speaks the language of the men and women who make up the everyday fabric of resistance.
A Francophonie that is attractive through the dialogue of its cultures (literature, visual arts, music, cinema, gastronomy, tourism, etc.), but also and above all through its capacity to function as a vector of emancipation and social ascent. By its willingness to create ecosystems in which schooling and professional training are not separated from or distant from integration into the labor market, but rather lead directly to it. These ecosystems must first enable the economic empowerment of women and young people, and their access to financing to carry out concrete local development projects.
Francophonie will be more social when it anchors its policies in its territories and creates functional mechanisms for decentralized cooperation, so as to reduce inequalities, discrimination, and exclusions in all areas concerning the lives of local populations.
At this historical moment, a time of reconfiguration of relationships in the world, of our economies, of our societies, and of the integration of technology into our daily lives, the fact that countries from different continents, with different histories and levels of development, with resources that are often complementary, share a common language—a bridge language that carries values that still inspire us—is a real asset.
We must decide whether we will simply state this asset, or put it to work.